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The Marx Revival (Book Launch)

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The Marx Revival: Musto & Foster in Conversation (Talk)

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The Marx Revival: Marcello Musto on Communism (Talk)

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Μιλιταρισμός και πόλεμος στη Σοβιετική Ενωση και τη Ρωσία

Μετά την επίθεση των στρατευμάτων του Χίτλερ στη Σοβιετική Ενωση το 1941, ο Ιωσήφ Στάλιν κάλεσε για έναν Μεγάλο Πατριωτικό Πόλεμο που έληξε στις 9 Μαΐου με την ήττα της Γερμανίας, της Ιταλίας και της Ιαπωνίας. Αυτή η ημερομηνία έγινε τόσο κεντρικό στοιχείο της ρωσικής εθνικής ενότητας, που επέζησε από την πτώση του Τείχους του Βερολίνου και κράτησε μέχρι τις μέρες μας. Αλλά κάτω από το πρόσχημα του αγώνα κατά του ναζισμού, κρύβεται μια επικίνδυνη ιδεολογία εθνικισμού και μιλιταρισμού – σήμερα περισσότερο από ποτέ.

Με τη μεταπολεμική διαίρεση του κόσμου σε δύο μπλοκ, οι ηγέτες του Κομμουνιστικού Κόμματος της Σοβιετικής Ενωσης (ΚΚΣΕ) αποφάσισαν ότι το κύριο καθήκον του διεθνούς κομμουνιστικού κινήματος ήταν να διαφυλάξει την ύπαρξη της Σοβιετικής Ενωσης. Την ίδια περίοδο, το Δόγμα Τρούμαν σηματοδότησε την έλευση ενός νέου τύπου πολέμου: του Ψυχρού Πολέμου. Με την υποστήριξή τους στις αντικομμουνιστικές δυνάμεις στην Ελλάδα, με το Σχέδιο Μάρσαλ (1948) και τη δημιουργία του ΝΑΤΟ (1949), οι ΗΠΑ συνέβαλαν στην αναχαίτιση των προοδευτικών δυνάμεων στη Δυτική Ευρώπη. Η Σοβιετική Ενωση απάντησε με το Σύμφωνο της Βαρσοβίας (1955). Αυτή η εξέλιξη οδήγησε σε μια τεράστια κούρσα εξοπλισμών, η οποία, παρά τη φρέσκια μνήμη της Χιροσίμα και του Ναγκασάκι, περιλάμβανε πολλές πυρηνικές δοκιμές.

Με μια πολιτική στροφή που αποφάσισε ο Νικήτα Χρουστσόφ το 1961, η Σοβιετική Ενωση ξεκίνησε μια περίοδο «ειρηνικής συνύπαρξης». Ωστόσο, αυτή η προσπάθεια εποικοδομητικής συνεργασίας ήταν γεμάτη αντιφάσεις. Το 1956, η Σοβιετική Ενωση είχε ήδη καταπνίξει βίαια μια εξέγερση στην Ουγγαρία. Τα Κομμουνιστικά Κόμματα της Δυτικής Ευρώπης δικαιολόγησαν τη στρατιωτική επέμβαση στο όνομα της προστασίας του σοσιαλιστικού μπλοκ. Παρόμοια γεγονότα έγιναν στο απόγειο της ειρηνικής συνύπαρξης, το 1968, στην Τσεχοσλοβακία. Αυτή τη φορά οι επικρίσεις της Αριστεράς ήταν πιο έντονες. Η Σοβιετική Ενωση, όμως, δεν υπαναχώρησε. Συνέχισε να δεσμεύει ένα σημαντικό μέρος των οικονομικών της πόρων για στρατιωτικές δαπάνες και αυτό βοήθησε στην ενίσχυση μιας αυταρχικής κουλτούρας στην κοινωνία.
Ενας από τους σημαντικότερους πολέμους της επόμενης δεκαετίας ξεκίνησε με τη σοβιετική εισβολή στο Αφγανιστάν που κράτησε περισσότερα από δέκα χρόνια, προκαλώντας τεράστιο αριθμό θανάτων και δημιουργώντας εκατομμύρια πρόσφυγες.

Σε αυτήν την περίπτωση, το διεθνές κομμουνιστικό κίνημα ήταν πολύ λιγότερο επιφυλακτικό από ό,τι ήταν σε σχέση με προηγούμενες σοβιετικές εισβολές. Ωστόσο, αυτός ο νέος πόλεμος αποκάλυψε ακόμη πιο ξεκάθαρα στη διεθνή κοινή γνώμη τη διαίρεση μεταξύ του «υπαρκτού σοσιαλισμού» και μιας πολιτικής εναλλακτικής που βασίζεται στην ειρήνη και στην αντίθεση στον μιλιταρισμό.

Στο σύνολό τους, αυτές οι στρατιωτικές επεμβάσεις λειτούργησαν ενάντια σε μια γενική μείωση των εξοπλισμών και χρησίμευσαν στην απαξίωση του σοσιαλισμού. Η Σοβιετική Ενωση θεωρούνταν ολοένα και περισσότερο ως μια αυτοκρατορική δύναμη που ενεργούσε με τρόπους όχι διαφορετικούς από αυτούς των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών, οι οποίες, από την έναρξη του Ψυχρού Πολέμου, υποστήριζαν τα πραξικοπήματα και βοήθησαν στην ανατροπή δημοκρατικά εκλεγμένων κυβερνήσεων σε περισσότερες από είκοσι χώρες σε όλο τον κόσμο.

Ο Μαρξ δεν ανέπτυξε σε κανένα από τα κείμενά του μια συνεκτική θεωρία του πολέμου, ούτε πρότεινε κατευθυντήριες γραμμές για τη σωστή στάση που πρέπει να τηρηθεί απέναντί του. Ωστόσο, όταν επέλεξε ανάμεσα σε αντίπαλα στρατόπεδα, η μόνη του σταθερά ήταν η αντίθεσή του στην τσαρική Ρωσία, την οποία έβλεπε ως το φυλάκιο της αντεπανάστασης και ένα από τα κύρια εμπόδια στη χειραφέτηση της εργατικής τάξης.

Στις «Αποκαλύψεις για τη Διπλωματική Ιστορία του 18ου αιώνα», ένα βιβλίο που εκδόθηκε από τον Μαρξ το 1857 αλλά δεν μεταφράστηκε ποτέ στη Σοβιετική Ενωση, μιλώντας για τον Ιβάν Γ΄, τον επιθετικό Μοσχοβίτη μονάρχη του 15ου αιώνα, που ένωσε τη Ρωσία και έβαλε τα θεμέλια για την αυτοκρατορία της, έγραφε: «Απλώς χρειάζεται να αντικαταστήσει κανείς μια σειρά ονομάτων και ημερομηνιών με άλλες και γίνεται σαφές ότι οι πολιτικές του Ιβάν Γ΄ και της Ρωσίας σήμερα δεν είναι απλώς παρόμοιες, αλλά ταυτόσημες». Δυστυχώς, αυτές οι παρατηρήσεις φαίνονται σαν να γράφτηκαν για σήμερα, σε σχέση με τη ρωσική εισβολή στην Ουκρανία.

Οι πόλεμοι μεταδίδουν μια ιδεολογία βίας, συχνά σε συνδυασμό με τα εθνικιστικά αισθήματα που διέλυσαν το εργατικό κίνημα. Οι πόλεμοι αυξάνουν τη δύναμη των αυταρχικών θεσμών, διογκώνουν τον στρατιωτικό, γραφειοκρατικό και αστυνομικό μηχανισμό. Οδηγούν στην εξάλειψη της κοινωνίας μπροστά στην κρατική γραφειοκρατία. Στις «Σκέψεις για τον πόλεμο» (1933), η φιλόσοφος Σιμόν Βέιλ (1909-1943) υποστήριξε ότι «ανεξάρτητα από το όνομα που μπορεί να πάρει –φασισμός, δημοκρατία ή δικτατορία του προλεταριάτου– ο κύριος εχθρός παραμένει ο διοικητικός, αστυνομικός και στρατιωτικός μηχανισμός· όχι ο εχθρός πέρα από τα σύνορα, ο οποίος είναι εχθρός μας μόνο στο βαθμό που είναι εχθρός των αδελφών μας, αλλά αυτός που ισχυρίζεται ότι είναι ο υπερασπιστής μας ενώ μας κάνει σκλάβους του».

Αυτό είναι ένα δραματικό μάθημα που η Αριστερά δεν πρέπει ποτέ να ξεχάσει.

* καθηγητής Κοινωνιολογίας στο Πανεπιστήμιο York (Τορόντο-Καναδάς), τακτικού συνεργάτη της «Εφ.Συν.»

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Journalism

A culture of war from the Soviets to Russia

The escalating violence of the Nazi-Fascist front in the 1930s brought the outbreak of the Second World War and created an even more nefarious scenario than the one that destroyed Europe between 1914 and 1918. After Hitler’s troops attacked the Soviet Union in 1941, Joseph Stalin called for a Great Patriotic War that ended on May 9 with the defeat of Germany, Italy and Japan. This date became such a central element in Russian national unity that it survived the fall of the Berlin Wall and has lasted until our own days. Under the guise of the fight against Nazism, a dangerous ideology of nationalism and militarism is hidden – today more than ever.

With the post-war division of the world into two blocs, the leaders of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) decided that the main task of the international Communist movement was to safeguard the existence of the Soviet Union. In the same period, the Truman Doctrine marked the advent of a new type of war: the Cold War. In its support of anti-communist forces in Greece, in the Marshall Plan (1948) and the creation of Nato (1949), the United States of America contributed to avoiding the advance of progressive forces in Western Europe. The Soviet Union responded with the Warsaw Pact (1955). This configuration led to a huge arms race, which, despite the fresh memory of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, also involved a proliferation of nuclear bomb tests.

With a political turn decided by Nikita Khrushchev in 1961, the Soviet Union began a period of “peaceful coexistence”. This change, with its emphasis on non-interference and respect for national sovereignty, as well as economic cooperation with capitalist countries, was supposed to avert the danger of a third world war (which the Cuban missiles crisis showed to be a possibility in 1962) and to support the argument that war was not inevitable. However, this attempt at constructive cooperation was full of contradictions.

In 1956, the Soviet Union had already violently crushed a revolt in Hungary. The Communist parties of Western Europe had not condemned but justified the military intervention in the name of protecting the socialist bloc and Palmiro Togliatti, the secretary of the Italian Communist Party, declared: “We stand with our own side even when it makes a mistake”. Most of those who shared this position regretted it bitterly in later years when they understood the devastating effects of the Soviet operation.

Similar events took place at the height of peaceful coexistence, in 1968, in Czechoslovakia. The Politburo of the CPSU sent in half a million soldiers and thousands of tanks to suppress the demands for democratization of the “Prague Spring”. This time critics on the Left were more forthcoming and even represented the majority. Nevertheless, although disapproval of the Soviet action was expressed not only by New Left movements but by a majority of Communist parties,

including the Chinese, the Russians did not pull back but carried through a process that they called “normalization”. The Soviet Union continued to earmark a sizable part of its economic resources for military spending, and this helped to reinforce an authoritarian culture in society. In this way, it lost forever the goodwill of the peace movement, which had become even larger through the extraordinary mobilizations against the war in Vietnam.

One of the most important wars in the next decade began with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. In 1979, the Red Army again became a major instrument of Russian foreign policy, which continued to claim the right to intervene in “their security zone”. The ill-starred decision turned into an exhausting adventure that stretched over more than ten years, causing a huge number of deaths and creating millions of refugees. On this occasion, the international Communist movement was much less reticent than it had been in relation to previous Soviet invasions. Yet this new war revealed even more clearly to international public opinion the split between “actually existing socialism” and a political alternative based on peace and opposition to militarism.

Taken as a whole, these military interventions worked against a general arms reduction and served to discredit socialism. The Soviet Union was increasingly seen as an imperial power acting in ways, not unlike those of the United States, which, since the onset of the Cold War, had more or less secretly backed coups d’état and helped to overthrow democratically elected governments in more than twenty countries around the world.

Lastly, the “socialist wars” in 1977-1979 between Cambodia and Vietnam and China and Vietnam, against the backdrop of the Sino- Soviet conflict, dissipated whatever

leverage “Marxist-Leninist” ideology (already remote from the original foundations laid by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels) had in attributing war exclusively to the economic imbalances of capitalism.

Marx did not develop in any of his writings a coherent theory of war, nor did he put forward guidelines for the correct attitude to be taken towards it. However, when he chose between opposing camps, his only constant was his opposition to Tsarist Russia, which he saw as the outpost of counter-revolution and one of the main barriers to working-class emancipation.

In Revelations of the Diplomatic History of the 18th Century – a book published by Marx in 1857 but never translated into the Soviet Union –, speaking of Ivan III, the aggressive Muscovite monarch of the fifteenth century who unified Russia and laid the ground for its autocracy, he stated: “one merely needs to replace one series of names and dates with others and it becomes clear that the policies of Ivan III, and those of Russia today, are not merely similar but identical”. Unfortunately, these observations seem as if written for today, in relation to the Russian invasion of Ukraine.

Wars disseminate an ideology of violence, often combined with the nationalist sentiments that have torn the workers’ movement apart. Rarely favouring practices of democracy, they instead increase the power of authoritarian institutions. Wars swell the military, bureaucratic and police apparatus. They lead to the effacement of society before state bureaucracy. In Reflections on War, the philosopher Simone Weil argued that: “no matter what name it may take – fascism, democracy, or dictatorship of the proletariat – the principal enemy remains the administrative, police, and military apparatus; not the enemy across the border, who is our enemy only to the extent that they are our brothers and sisters’ enemy, but the one who claims to be our defender while making us its slaves”. This is a dramatic lesson that the Left should never forget.

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Sean Sayers, Emancipations. A journal of critical social analysis

In the final years of his life, Marx suffered repeated attacks of bronchitis and other illnesses. On doctor’s orders, he spent weeks on end convalescing by the sea, forbidden to exert himself. In the past, most biographers have passed over this period of Marx’s life very briefly, treating it as barren and unproductive. They can be forgiven for doing so, they had little to go on. Marx published very little in these
years, and only a few of his letters were known.
This situation has changed dramatically in recent years. A steady stream of archive material is becoming available with the regular appearance of new volumes of Die Marx-Engels-Gesamtausgabe (MEGA). This is a massive project to publish an “historical-critical” edition of all Marx and Engels’ writings in their original languages, including not only their published works, but also all their letters, drafts and notes (with all their variations, crossings out, corrections, etc.) – indeed, everything they
wrote, just as they wrote it.
This has been a very long time coming, some of this material dates back to the 1830s. The first attempt at such a publication was made soon after the Russian Revolution, by David Riazanov, the great Marx scholar and founder of the MarxEngels Institute in Moscow. He was removed from the project in 1931 (and he was
executed after a brief show trial in 1938). Publication of the volumes of this first MEGA – MEGA1 – was suspended after only 12 of the projected 42 volumes had appeared. The war against the Nazi invasion of the Soviet Union then intervened and the project was abandoned. It was revived in a new and expanded form by Soviet and German scholars in the 1970s. The first volume of the second MEGA –
MEGA2 – appeared in 1975. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, responsibility for the project was transferred to a group of international scholars based in Amsterdam.
114 volumes are now planned (scaled back from the original 164), 52 volumes have appeared so far.
This new material is transforming our knowledge and understanding of some important aspects of Marx and Engels’ lives and work. It has shed a flood of new light on the last two years of Marx’s life, the subject of this book. Musto has used it to produce an exceptionally well researched picture of what was previously a little known period of Marx’s work. The book was originally published in Italian in 2016.
Since then, it has been translated into seven other languages. Now, at last, it is available in a very readable English translation by Patrick Camiller.
As Musto observes, most previous intellectual biographies of Marx have focused disproportionately on his early years. Musto cover only the final two years of Marx’s life, 1881-1883. Musto goes in detail through Marx’s correspondence and his notebooks to construct a detailed picture of what Marx was reading, writing, thinking
about and doing during this period. It is a fascinating and remarkably impressive story.
In 1881, Marx was not yet the “towering figure” (77) on the left that he was later to become. His work was familiar only to small band of followers and was only just beginning to reach a wider audience. Only a few of the works by which he is now known had been published and widely circulated, most notably the Communist Manifesto and the first volume of Capital.
Finishing Capital The main task facing Marx was to complete Capital. As Musto observes, there is no definitive edition even of Volume 1 of this work. It first appeared in German in 1867 with a second revised edition in 1873. Marx oversaw and contributed many further revisions and changes to the French translation, which appeared in instalments from 1872-1875. He planned to revise the book thoroughly for a third
German edition incorporating these changes, but he was not able to complete this.
In the 1870s he was working on Volume 2, and he produced a couple of fairly full drafts, as well as more fragmentary drafts of Volume 3. In 1879, however, because of repeated illness, his doctor ordered him to shorten his working day, and he did little further work on these manuscripts. They were edited and completed for publication by Engels after Marx’s death, Volume 2 appearing in 1885, Volume 3 in
1894.
Musto sees no evidence for the widely canvassed view that Marx was unable to complete Capital because of contradictions and problems that he encountered for his views. Marx was a notoriously meticulous author, never happy to publish until he had taken account the latest ideas and developments and incorporated them into his work.
Marx was in the habit of making notes on and copying out passages from the books that he was reading. With the publication of his notes in MEGA2 , we are now getting a very detailed record of this. He studied a remarkable range of topics. In this period, he read works on political economy, Russian society, collective property systems, anthropology, recent developments in the natural sciences (particularly
chemistry and physics) and even mathematics. Some of this reading was connected with his work on Capital, some was research to further his understanding of the genesis of capitalism, and some simply to satisfy his insatiable intellectual curiosity and desire for knowledge.
He had long decided not to attempt to reply to or correct the many
misinterpretations of his views that were in circulation, but in 1880 he read and wrote extensive critical comments on Adolph Wagner’s Manual of Political Economy (1879). [1]
He also kept up to date with many areas of the natural sciences, partly to find out about developments in organic chemistry relevant to agriculture that he was writing about in Capital, Volume 2, and partly from sheer interest. This extended even to mathematics. His study of mathematics had started in connection with economics but later acquired a life of its own. He said he thought about mathematics
for “relaxation” (35). He was particularly intrigued by problems with the calculus and wrote numerous and lengthy notes on this topic. [2]
In the late 1870s, he read a number of works on anthropology. He studied with great attention Lewis Morgan’s Ancient Society (1877), a pioneering work on American Indian tribal societies. He was particularly interested in the way Morgan showed that social relations change with the development of the productive forces.
He was also concerned to refute the then influential view, put forward by Henry Maine, in his Lectures on the Early History of Institutions, 1875, and others, that the nuclear family was the original building block of society, and to demonstrate that it was a product of later development. Engels later made extensive use of these notes, as he acknowledges, to write his account of the evolution of the family in The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State (1884). [3]

Developments in Russia
One of the main topics that occupied Marx’s attention during this period were economic, social and political developments in Russia. Earlier in his life, Marx had regarded Russia as the main centre of reaction in Europe, but after the abolition of serfdom in 1861 it became clear that things were changing. In 1869, he taught himself to read Russian, and he began to read about developments in Russia in
detail. By the final years of his life, he had studied Russian conditions very thoroughly and was in correspondence with a number of progressive Russian social thinkers.
The theory of historical development that Marx had put forward from the time he and Engels composed the writings that make up The German Ideology (1845-6), implied that a socialist society could come about only on the basis of a highly socialised system of production, of the sort that was being created by capitalism in Britain and other Western European countries. Although capitalism increased
exploitation and misery, it also created the conditions for overcoming capitalism by transforming production from an individual to a social process. This was a fundamental aspect of Marx’s theory of history, and he held to it throughout his work.
Whether and how these ideas applied to Russia was hotly debated in this period. Some maintained that the rural communes (obshchina) that still existed among the peasantry in Russia provided a basis of common ownership that would enable it to pass directly to socialism. Others argued that Russia would first have to go through a capitalist stage. Marx was often invoked in support of this latter position.
An influential writer who did so was N. K. Mikhailovsky. In November 1877, Marx had drafted a lengthy letter in reply to an article by him in a Russian periodical.
In the end Marx did not send this letter, and it came to light only after his death. In it, Marx denied that he had put forward a universal theory of history, and insisted that he never claimed that a capitalist phase of historical development was inevitable. He accused Mikhailovsky of transforming,

my historical sketch of the genesis of capitalism in Western Europe into a historico-philosophical theory of general development, imposed by fate on all peoples, whatever the historical circumstances in which they are placed, in order to eventually attain this economic formation which, with a tremendous leap of the productive forces of social labour, assures the most integral development of every individual producer. [4]

The issue was raised again in 1881 when he received a letter from Vera Zasulich, a socialist activist, asking him to set out his views on whether the rural commune in Russia could provide the basis for socialism. He drew on the letter to Mikhailovich that he had drafted in composing his response. This occupied him for the best part of a month and went through four full drafts, before the final version was sent off at
beginning of March.
Marx again insisted that his view that a stage of capitalist private property was inevitable applied only to Western Europe. Other paths were possible elsewhere. To understand real historical transformations, Marx insisted, it is essential to study individual phenomena separately. There is no “all-purpose formula of a general historico-philosophical theory”. [5]
Some have seized on Marx’s comments to argue that Marx entirely altered his views about the transition to socialism as a result of his studies of Russia in his final years. Musto sees no evidence of that. “The drafts of Marx’s letter to Zasulich show no glimpse of the dramatic break with his former positions that some scholars have
detected.” (69)
Although Marx denies that he ever suggested that all societies must inevitably pass through a capitalist stage, he did believe that socialism could be based only on highly socialised forces of production. He didn’t rule out the possibility that Russia could make a transition to socialism without going through a capitalist stage, but he did not positively endorse this view. And he disassociated himself from those, like Bakunin and Herzen, who did. Part of his hesitancy in responding to Zasulich was due to the care he took in expressing his views with precision. In particular, he argued, since Russia was,

Contemporary with a higher culture; it is linked to a world market dominatedby capitalist production. By appropriating the positive results of this mode of production, it is thus in a position to develop and transform the still archaic form of its rural commune, instead of destroying it. [6]

Just as Russia did not have “to pass through a long incubation period in the engineering industry … in order to utilize machines, steam engines, railways, etc.” – so it might be possible to introduce immediately “the entire mechanism of exchange … which it took the West centuries to devise” (67-8). Nevertheless, the rural commune was an archaic form, very different from socialism as he conceived of it,
and Marx remained sceptical that it could provide a basis for socialist development on its own. He returned to these questions in the Preface to the Second Russian edition of the Communist Manifesto written jointly with Engels in 1882. Again, he maintained that socialist transformation of the obshchina was possible, but that would depend on favourable historical conditions. He remained doubtful that it could simply be adapted as a basis for socialism. Russia would be able to avoid a capitalist stage before it could create a socialist society only,

If the Russian Revolution becomes the signal for a proletarian revolution in the West, so that two complement each other, the present Russian common ownership of land may serve as the starting point for communist development. [7]

Marx and Engels
The joint authorship of this Preface by Marx and Engels is a clear indication of their agreement on these questions. Musto, however, insists on emphasising their differences. He continually contrasts the “flexibility” of Marx’s thinking, with Engels’ “overly schematic” views (27). Engels is dismissed as a precursor of “Second International” thinking that “produced a kind of fatalistic passivity, which … weakened the social and political action of the proletariat”. (32) Marx, by contrast, “rejected the siren calls of a one-way historicism and preserved his own complex, flexible, and variegated conception.” (32)
All this has a comfortingly warm and fuzzy feel about it, but Marx’s importance as a thinker is not like this. It lies in his ability to comprehend particular conditions within the structure of a quite specific and definite over-arching theory.
Marx’s “life purpose”, we are told, was “to provide the worker’s movement with the theoretical basis to destroy capitalism” (11).
The idea that Marx was champing to be at the barricades misrepresents
Marx’s character as it is revealed here. What comes out so strikingly from the picture that Musto draws is that Marx was driven, not so much by a restless activism, as by an insatiable intellectual curiosity and a desire for understanding and truth, often simply for its own sake. This is repeatedly demonstrated by the story that Musto tells,
but when he comes to summarise Marx’s attitudes in general terms, particularly in contrast to Engels, he tends to forget this and resort to platitudes. His asides about Engels constitute an unfortunate descent into caricature and stereotyping. His denigration of Engels is unwarranted and seems designed mainly to praise Marx by
comparison. It does nothing to enhance Musto’s picture of Marx and is the weakest aspect of the book. As my mother used to tell me, you can’t build yourself up by belittling your brother, and the same principle applies here.

Life and death
In the final chapter, Musto turns his attention increasingly to the domestic circumstances of Marx’s life. By 1881, Marx and his household – his wife Jenny, his youngest daughter Eleanor and their long-term servant Helene Demuth, together with three dogs – had moved from a spacious house at 1 Maitland Park Road in the
Chalk Farm area of North London into a more modest terraced house further along the same road, 41 Maitland Park Road (both have now been demolished). The house was full of books. When he was younger and poorer, Marx had relied on the British Museum Library, which was within walking distance of his homes. In his later years, he began to acquire books of his own in many languages, often donated by
admirers. Engels had by then retired from his job in Manchester and moved to an altogether grander house at 122 Regent’s Park Road, facing Primrose Hill, a 15 minute walk away. They saw each other regularly and corresponded frequently when either of them was out of London. His, wife, Jenny, was suffering from cancer of the liver. Her condition worsened in the summer of 1881, and she died in December, leaving Marx bereft.
They had been together for almost 40 years. Marx’s condition worsened. His doctor advised longer and more frequent visits to the coast to benefit from the sea air. He stayed for several weeks in Ventnor in the Isle of Wight. Then a trip further south for warmth and sun was recommended and in February 1882 he embarked on a journey to Algeria, stopping off on the way to visit his elder daughter, Jenny Longuet, and her family in Argenteuil, just outside Paris. This trip was not a success. When he got to Algeria, the weather was unseasonably cold and wet, and he suffered from a lack of
intellectual stimulation. After ten weeks he cut short his stay, and moved to Monaco on the French Riviera, and then back to England, again via Argenteuil.
He was staying again in Ventnor when he received news that his eldest
daughter, Jenny, had died of cancer. Marx was distraught. He returned to London. In the final months of his life, he was looked after by Eleanor, his youngest daughter, and their servant, Helene Demuth. He died peacefully sitting in the chair by his desk on March 24, 1883.
Musto combines a fascinating and detailed intellectual biography with an informative account of Marx’s life in his final years. His book is exceptionally well researched. In a running commentary, much of it in footnotes, he provides a detailed account of the scholarly literature in all the main European languages on the topics he is discussing. He writes in a clear and pleasing style. His book makes a major contribution to our understanding Marx’s life and work. It is highly recommended.

 

[1] Previously published as (Marx 1975).
[2] Previously published as (Marx 1983).
[3] Extended extracts from Marx’s original notes were published in (Marx 1974).
[4] MECW 24, 200. Marx and Engels works are cited from (Marx and Engels 1975),
abbreviated as MECW.
[5] MECW 24, 201.
[6] MECW 24, 362.
[7] MECW 24, 426.

References
Marx, Karl. 1974. The Ethnological Notebooks of Karl Marx: (Studies of Morgan, Phear, Maine, Lubbock). Edited by Lawrence Krader. Assen: Van Gorcum.
Marx, Karl. 1975. “Notes on Adolph Wagner (1879-80).” In Texts on Method, 179– 219. Oxford: Blackwell.
Marx, Karl. 1983. Mathematical Manuscripts of Karl Marx. London : New York: New Park Publications.
Marx, Karl, and Frederick Engels. 1975. Collected Works [MECW]. 50 vols. London: Lawrence & Wishart.

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Journalism

Militarismo y cultura de guerra en la URSS y Rusia

La escalada de violencia del frente nazi-fascista en la década de 1930 provocó el estallido de la Segunda Guerra Mundial y creó un escenario aún más nefasto que el que destruyó Europa entre 1914 y 1918. Después de que las tropas de Hitler atacaran la Unión Soviética en 1941, Joseph Stalin convocó a una Gran Guerra Patriótica que finalizó el 9 de mayo con la derrota de Alemania, Italia y Japón. Esta fecha se convirtió en un elemento tan central de la unidad nacional rusa que sobrevivió a la caída del Muro de Berlín y perdura hasta nuestros días. Bajo el pretexto de la lucha contra el nazismo, se oculta, hoy más que nunca, una peligrosa ideología nacionalista y militarista.

Guerra fría y carrera de armamentos

Con la división del mundo en dos bloques después de la guerra, los líderes del Partido Comunista de la Unión Soviética (PCUS) decidieron que la tarea principal del movimiento comunista internacional era salvaguardar la existencia de la Unión Soviética. En el mismo período, la Doctrina Truman marcó el advenimiento de un nuevo tipo de guerra: la Guerra Fría. Con su apoyo a las fuerzas anticomunistas en Grecia, el Plan Marshall (1948) y la creación de la OTAN (1949), los Estados Unidos de América contribuyeron a evitar el avance de las fuerzas progresistas en Europa Occidental. La Unión Soviética respondió con el Pacto de Varsovia (1955). Esta configuración condujo a una gran carrera armamentista que, a pesar del recuerdo aun fresco de Hiroshima y Nagasaki, también implicó una proliferación de pruebas de bombas nucleares.

Con el giro político decidido por Nikita Khrushchev en 1961, la Unión Soviética inició un período de “coexistencia pacífica”. Se suponía que este cambio, con su énfasis en la no injerencia y el respeto por la soberanía nacional, así como la cooperación económica con los países capitalistas, evitaría el peligro de una tercera guerra mundial (que la crisis de los misiles cubanos mostró ser una posibilidad en 1962) y apoyaría el argumento de que la guerra no era inevitable. Sin embargo, este intento de cooperación constructiva estuvo lleno de contradicciones.

En 1956, la Unión Soviética ya había aplastado violentamente una sublevación en Hungría. Los partidos comunistas de Europa Occidental no condenaron sino que justificaron la intervención militar en nombre de la protección del bloque socialista y Palmiro Togliatti, el secretario del Partido Comunista Italiano, declaró: “estamos con nuestro lado incluso cuando comete un error”. . La mayoría de los que compartían esta posición lo lamentaron amargamente en años posteriores, cuando comprendieron los devastadores efectos de la operación soviética. Acontecimientos similares tuvieron lugar en el apogeo de la coexistencia pacífica, en 1968, en Checoslovaquia. El Politburó del PCUS envía medio millón de soldados y miles de tanques para reprimir las exigencias de democratización de la “Primavera de Praga”. Esta vez los críticos de la izquierda fueron más abiertos e incluso representaron a la mayoría. Sin embargo, aunque la desaprobación de la acción soviética fue expresada no solo por los movimientos de la Nueva Izquierda, sino también por la mayoría de los partidos comunistas, incluido el chino, los rusos no retrocedieron sino que llevaron a cabo un proceso que llamaron “normalización”. La Unión Soviética siguió destinando una parte importante de sus recursos económicos al gasto militar, lo que contribuyó a reforzar una cultura autoritaria en la sociedad. De esta manera, perdió para siempre la simpatia del movimiento por la paz, que se había hecho aún más grande a través de las extraordinarias movilizaciones contra la guerra de Vietnam.

Otro poder imperial

Una de las guerras más importantes de la década siguiente comenzó con la invasión soviética de Afganistán. En 1979, el Ejército Rojo volvió a convertirse en un importante instrumento de la política exterior rusa, que siguió reclamando el derecho a intervenir en “su zona de seguridad”. La desafortunada decisión se convirtió en una aventura agotadora que se prolongó durante más de diez años, provocando un gran número de muertos y creando millones de refugiados. En esta ocasión, el movimiento comunista internacional se mostró mucho menos reticente que en anteriores invasiones soviéticas. Sin embargo, esta nueva guerra reveló aún más claramente a la opinión pública internacional la división entre el “socialismo realmente existente” y una alternativa política basada en la paz y la oposición al militarismo.

Tomadas en su conjunto, estas intervenciones militares dificultaron una reducción general de armamentos y sirvieron para desacreditar al socialismo. La Unión Soviética fue vista cada vez más como una potencia imperial que actuaba de una manera no muy diferente a la de Estados Unidos, que, desde el comienzo de la Guerra Fría, había respaldado golpes de estado más o menos en secreto y ayudado a derrocar gobiernos elegidos democráticamente en más de veinte países de todo el mundo. Por último, las “guerras socialistas” de 1977-1979 entre Camboya y Vietnam y entre China y Vietnam, en el contexto del conflicto chino-soviético, disiparon cualquier influencia de la ideología “marxista-leninista” (ya alejada de los cimientos originales establecidos por Karl Marx y Friedrich Engels) a la hora de atribuir la guerra exclusivamente a los desequilibrios económicos del capitalismo.

Marx contra la Rusia contrarrevolucionaria

Marx no desarrolló en ninguno de sus escritos una teoría coherente de la guerra, ni planteó pautas sobre la actitud correcta a tomar frente a ella. Sin embargo, cuando eligió entre campos opuestos, su única constante fue su oposición a la Rusia zarista, que vio como la vanguardia de la contrarrevolución y una de las principales barreras para la emancipación de la clase trabajadora.

En sus Revelaciones de la historia diplomática del siglo XVIII –un libro publicado por Marx en 1857 pero nunca traducido en la Unión Soviética–, al hablar de Iván III, el agresivo monarca moscovita del siglo XV que unificó Rusia y sentó las bases de su autocracia, afirmó: “solo se necesita reemplazar una serie de nombres y fechas con otros y queda claro que las políticas de Iván III, y las de Rusia hoy, no son simplemente similares sino idénticas”. Desafortunadamente, estas observaciones parecen escritas para hoy, en relación con la invasión rusa de Ucrania.

Las guerras difunden una ideología de violencia, a menudo combinada con los sentimientos nacionalistas que han desgarrado al movimiento obrero. Raramente favorecen las prácticas de la democracia, pero aumentan en cambio el poder de las instituciones autoritarias. Las guerras engrosan el aparato militar, burocrático y policial. Conducen a la anulación de la sociedad ante la burocracia estatal. En Reflexiones sobre la guerra, la filósofa Simone Weil argumentó que: “cualquiera que sea el nombre que tome —fascismo, democracia o dictadura del proletariado—, el principal enemigo sigue siendo el aparato administrativo, policial y militar; no el enemigo al otro lado de la frontera, que es nuestro enemigo sólo en la medida en que es enemigo de nuestros hermanos y hermanas, sino el que dice ser nuestro defensor mientras nos convierte en sus esclavos”. Esta es una lección dramática que la izquierda nunca debería olvidar.

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TV

The Last Years of Karl Marx (Book Launch)

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Journalism

అక్షరాలే సాక్ష్యాలుగా మార్క్స్‌ ఏంగెల్స్‌ జీవితాలు

కారల్‌ మార్క్స్‌ ఏంగెల్స్‌లు మొదటిసారి నవంబరు 1842లో కొలోన్‌లో కలిశారు. వారిద్దరి మధ్య సైద్ధాంతిక సహవాసం మాత్రం 1844 నుండే మొదలైంది. 1849లో యూరోపియన్‌ విప్లవ వెల్లువ వెనకపట్టు పట్టడంతో మార్క్స్‌ ఇంగ్లాండ్‌కు వలస పోవాల్సి వచ్చింది. ఏంగెల్స్‌ కూడా మార్క్స్‌తో పాటే ఇంగ్లాండ్‌ చేరారు. మార్క్స్‌ లాడ్జింగ్‌లలో తలదాచుకుంటే ఏంగెల్స్‌ అక్కడికి వందల కిలోమీటర్ల దూరంలో ఉన్న మాంచెస్టర్‌లో కుటుంబ యాజమాన్యంలో ఉన్న నూలుమిల్లు నడిపే బాధ్యతలు తీసుకున్నారు. 1850 నుండి 1870 వరకూ నూలు మిల్లు బాధ్యతల్లో ఉన్నప్పటికీ ఏంగెల్స్‌ మార్క్స్‌ల మధ్య సైద్ధాంతిక బంధం గాఢంగా పెనవేసుకుపోయింది. ఇద్దరూ ఏ చిన్న అంశంపై రాసినా పరస్పరం పంచుకుని సరి చూసుకునేవాళ్లు. నాటి ప్రపంచ పరిణామాలను ఎలా అర్థం చేసుకోవాలో లోతుగా చర్చించుకునే వాళ్లు. ఇలాంటి చర్చల కోసం వారిరువరూ రాసుకున్న లేఖలు వేల సంఖ్యలో ఉన్నాయంటే ఇద్దరి మధ్య జరిగిన సైద్ధాంతిక సంభాషణ ఏ స్థాయిలో, ఏ తీవ్రతతో సాగిందో అర్థం చేసుకోవచ్చు. ఆ రెండు దశాబ్దాల కాలంలో ఇద్దరి మధ్యా రెండున్నర వేల లేఖలు నడిచాయి. మరో 1500 లేఖలు సమకాలీన విప్లవకారులు, సోషలిస్టులు, కార్మిక నాయకులు, మొదటి ఇంటర్నేషనల్‌ సభ్యులకు రాసిన లేఖలు ఉన్నాయి. వీటికి తోడు మార్క్స్‌ ఏంగెల్స్‌ అందుకున్న మరో 10,000 లేఖలు ఉండనే ఉన్నాయి. అదనంగా మరో ఆరువేల లేఖలు లెక్క తేలుతున్నప్పటికీ అవి ఎక్కడ ఏ స్థితిలో ఉన్నాయో తెలియరాలేదు. ఈ లేఖలు అద్భుతమైన చరిత్రకు ఆరంభాలు. ఆయా లేఖల్లో చర్చకు పెట్టిన అనేక సైద్ధాంతిక అంశాలను మార్క్స్‌ ఏంగెల్స్‌లు తర్వాతి కాలంలో పరిపూర్ణంగా అభివృద్ధి చేసి ఉండలేకపోవచ్చు. కానీ అందులో ఉన్న వివరాలు తెలుసుకోవాల్సిన అవసరం ప్రపంచానికి ఉంది. ఇద్దరు కమ్యూనిస్టు యోధుల కలాల నుండి జాలువారిన 19వ శతాబ్ది సాహిత్య ప్రస్తావనలు పరిశీలిస్తే ఇద్దరికీ ఆర్థిక రాజకీయ అంశాలతో పాటు సామాజిక సాంస్కృతిక, చారిత్రక అంశాలపై కూడా ఎంతటి పట్టు ఉందో అర్థమవుతుంది.
మార్క్స్‌ ఎనిమిది భాషల్లో ప్రావీణ్యం సంపాదిస్తే ఏంగెల్స్‌కు 12 భాషల్లో పట్టు ఉండేది. ప్రాచీనమైన లాటిన్‌ గ్రీకు భాషల్లో కూడా మార్క్స్‌ ఏంగెల్స్‌లు లేఖలు రాశారంటే వాళ్లకున్న సామర్ధ్యం తేటతెల్లమవుతుంది. మానవాళి ఉద్ధరణకు కంకంణం కట్టుకున్న ఇద్దరూ సాహిత్య ప్రఖండులే. ప్రవీణులే. షేక్స్‌పియర్‌ నాటకాలు మార్క్స్‌కు కంఠతా వచ్చు. ఎఖిలస్‌, డాంటే, బాల్జాక్‌ రచనలు పిలిస్తే పలికేవి. మాంచస్టర్‌ కేంద్రంగా పని చేసే షిల్లర్‌ ఇనిస్టిట్యూట్‌కు ఏంగెల్స్‌ దీర్ఘకాలం అధ్యక్షుడుగా ఉన్నాడు. అరిస్టాటిల్‌, గోధె, లీసింగ్‌ల రచనలు నాలికమీద ఉండేవి. విశ్వ విప్లవం సాధ్యాసాధ్యాల గురించిన చర్చతో పాటు ఇద్దరి మధ్య జరిగిన సంభాషణలు, ఉత్తర ప్రత్యుత్తరాల్లో సమకాలీన శాస్త్ర పరిజ్ఞానం, సాంకేతిక అభివృద్ధి, భూగోళ శాస్త్రం, భౌకతి రసాయన శాస్త్రాల్లో ఆవిష్కృతమవుతున్న పురోగతి, గణితం, మానవ పరిణామ శాస్త్రం గురించిన వివరాలెన్నో వీనులవిందు చేస్తాయి. ఏ విషయం కోసమైనా మార్క్స్‌ ఆధారపడగల ఏకైక వ్యక్తిగా ఏంగెల్స్‌ నిలిచాడు. మార్క్స్‌ ఏ సందర్భంలో ఏ రకమైన సమస్య, ప్రశ్న, మీమాసం ఎదుర్కొన్నా ఆయన పలకరించే మొదటి వ్యక్తి ఏంగెల్స్‌.
వారిద్దరి మధ్య ఉన్నది కేవలం మేధో సంబంధం మాత్రమే కాదు. అద్వితీయమైన మానవ సంబంధం. స్నేహ బంధం. ఏంగెల్స్‌తో చెప్పుకోని సమస్యంటూ మార్క్స్‌కు లేదు. కుటుంబ ఆర్థిక అవసరాల విషయంలో ఎదురవుతున్న విషమ పరిస్థితులు మొదలు కుటుంబ సభ్యుల ఆరోగ్య సమస్యలు, రాగద్వేషాలు అన్నింటినీ ఏంగెల్స్‌తో చర్చించేవాడు మార్క్స్‌. మార్క్స్‌ అవసరాలు తీర్చటానికి ఏంగెల్స్‌ తనను తాను మర్చిపోయి మరీ ప్రయత్నం చేశాడు. ఏ కొద్దిపాటి సాయం అందించగలిగినా వెనకంజ వేయలేదు. ఈ విధంగా మార్క్స్‌కు ప్రత్యేకమైన గుర్తింపు తెచ్చిన పెట్టుబడి గ్రంథాన్ని పూర్తి చేయటానికి తెరవెనక నుండి ఏంగెల్స్‌ అందించిన సహాయం వెలకట్టలేనిది. మర్చిపోలేనిది. 1867 ఆగస్టులో పెట్టుబడి గ్రంథం తొలి సంపుటాన్ని పూర్తి చేసిన ఓ రాత్రి ఏంగెల్స్‌ను గుర్తు చేసుకుంటూ ”నీకు అన్ని రకాలుగా కృతజ్ఞుడిని. నీవు లేకపోతే పెట్టు బడి గ్రంథం పూర్తయ్యేదే కాదు” అని రాశారు.
మొదటి కమ్యూనిస్టు ఇంటర్నేషనల్‌ దైనందిన వ్యవహారాల్లో 1864 నుంచీ మార్క్స్‌ దిగబడిపోవటం వలన ఈ గ్రంథం మరింత ఆలస్యమైంది. కమ్యూనిస్టు ఇంటర్నేషనల్‌ ఏర్పాటు, నిర్మాణం, నిర్వహణలో కీలక నాయకత్వ భారం మార్క్స్‌దే అయినా ఏంగెల్స్‌ కూడా తనకున్న అన్ని శక్తి సామర్ధ్యాలు, నైపుణ్యాలు దీనికోసం వెచ్చించారు. మార్చి 18, 1871 రాత్రి తాము ఊహించిన ఆశాసౌధం పారిస్‌ కమ్యూన్‌ రూపంలో ఆవిష్కృతమైందని, సోషలిస్టు సమాజ నిర్మాణం దిశగా తొలి అడుగులు పడ్డాయన్న వార్త విన్నప్పుడు తాము ఊహించినదానికంటే సమాజం వేగంగానే మారుతోందని గుర్తించారు.
జెన్నీ 1881లో మరణించిన తర్వాత మరింత దిగజారిపోయిన మార్క్స్‌ ఆరోగ్యాన్ని కుదుటపర్చటానికి లండన్‌కు దూరంగా బస చేయించాలని డాక్టర్లు సలహా ఇచ్చినప్పుడు కూడా మార్క్స్‌ ఏంగెల్స్‌ల మధ్య ఉత్తర ప్రత్యుత్తరాలు ఎన్నడూ ఆగలేదు. రకరకాల సందర్బాల్లో ఇద్దరినీ రకరకాల పేర్లతో ప్రవాస కార్మికవర్గ నాయకులు పిలుస్తూ ఉండేవారు. సైనిక శాస్త్రంలో ఏంగెల్స్‌కున్న ప్రావీణ్యం రీత్యా ఆయన్ను జనరల్‌ అని, మార్క్స్‌ గడ్డం, జుట్టు, ఇంగ్లీషు వేషధారణ రీత్యా ఆయన్ను మూర్‌ అని మొదటి ఇంటర్నేషనల్‌ కార్యవర్గ సభ్యులు పిలుచుకునేవారు. మార్క్స్‌ కొద్దిరోజుల్లో చనిపోతాడనా కూతురు ఎలెనార్‌ను పిలిచి ‘ఆ అసంపూర్ణంగా మిగిలిన రాతప్రతులను ఏదో ఒకటి చేయమని చెప్పు ఏంగెల్స్‌కు ” అంటారు
మార్క్స్‌. 1883 మార్చిలో ఓ మద్యాహ్నవేళ మార్క్స్‌ను కలిసిన ఏంగెల్స్‌ మార్క్స్‌ ఆఖరి కోరికకు విలువనిచ్చి అసంపూర్ణంగా మిగిలిన పెట్టుబడి రెండు, మూడు సంపుటాలను సంస్కరించి ప్రచురించే యజ్ఞాన్ని చేపట్టారు. అదే మార్క్స్‌ను ఏంగెల్స్‌ ఆఖరిసారి ప్రత్యక్షంగా కలుసుకోవటం. మార్క్స్‌ మరణించిన తర్వాత ఏంగెల్స్‌ మరో పుష్కరకాలం జీవించి ఉన్నారు. ఈ కాలంలో ప్రధాన సమయాన్ని పెట్టుబడి గ్రంథం పూర్తి చేసి అచ్చుకు సిద్ధం చేయటానికే వెచ్చించారు ఏంగెల్స్‌.
తన జీవితం చివరి దశాబ్దంలో మార్క్స్‌తో కలిసి చేయాల్సిన ఉత్తర ప్రత్యుత్తరాలతో సహా అనేక పనులను చేయలేకపోయానని ఏంగెల్స్‌ బాధపడ్డారు. మార్క్స్‌ మరణానంతరం ఇద్దరి మధ్య జరిగిన ఉత్తర ప్రత్యుత్తరాలను ఓ వరుస క్రమంలో అమరుస్తున్న ఏంగెల్స్‌ నోట్లో సిగరెట్‌ పైపుతో అర్థరాత్రి దాటిన తర్వాత మేజా బల్ల మీద లేఖలు రాస్తూ కూర్చున్న మార్క్స్‌ను గుర్తు చేసుకుంటారు. ఈ లేఖలను భద్రపర్చే క్రమంలో తరచూ ఏంగెల్స్‌ మార్క్స్‌తో ముచ్చటించిన విషయాలు, చిరాకుపడ్డ సందర్భాలు, మనాసారా నవ్వుకున్న చర్చలు, చేజారిన విప్లవ అవకాశాలను మదింపు వేస్తూ రేపటి విప్లవం ఎప్పుడు ఎక్కడ అంటూ సాగించిన మేధోమధనాలతో ఏంగెల్స్‌ జ్ఞాపకాల పొరలు రెక్కలు విచ్చుకుంటున్న పక్షుల్లా కిలకిలా రావాలు చేసేవి. ఎంత భావోద్వేగానికి లోనైనా నిద్రాణంగా ఉన్న కోట్లాదిమంది శ్రమ జీవులు దిక్కులు పిక్కటిల్లేలా రంకెలు వేస్తూ పెట్టుబడిదారీ వ్యవస్థ సౌధాన్ని కుప్పకూల్చను న్నారన్న విషయంలో ఏ నాడూ విశ్వాసాన్ని కోల్పోలేదు.

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Reviews

Nupur Pattanaik, Critical Sociology

Marcello Musto is a Professor in Sociology at York University at Canada and in the book Rethinking Alternatives with Marx has revealed the resilience, power of Marxist ideas in the contemporary contexts of culture, gender equality, migrant rights and protection of the environment, the brilliant book illustrates the culture and society with Marxist viewpoints. The author has put together vari¬ous prestigious scholars, activists who guide us through the frontiers of the struggle for our times, from gender and race to migration and the climate crisis which suggests that Marx’s analyses are arguably resonating even more strongly today than they did in his own time. Marcus Musto has made the book by the efficient innovative perspectives on Marx’s points of view about ecology, migration, gender, the capitalist mode of production, the labour movement, globalization, social relations and the contours of a possible socialist alternative by delving deeper into a new critical discussion of some of the classical themes of Marx’s thought.
The book consists of four parts and each part is segmented into different chapters; the first part is about capitalism, gender and social relations which have been including four chapters that reflect about factory and family as spaces of capital, followed by Marx on Gender, Race and Social Reproduction With the third chapter which is about capital as a social relation form analysis and class struggle and the last chapter in this segment is about commodity and post-modern spectacle.
But in Marx, and in Hegel for that matter, the term functioned differently, less prominently culturally, but more as regards the family, economy and the relationship of both to nature. Rethinking Marx’s treatment of ‘gender’ relations confronts us with a paradox.
On one side, Marx’s approach to ‘gender’, as discussed in his major works, is at best wanting. Whether by gender we refer to male-female relations and the rules by which they are constructed or to the history and origins of the sexual division of labour and patriarchal domination in capital¬ism, in vain we turn to Marx for an analysis of these issues. New forms of governance that depend on collective networks and solidarity rather than profit-oriented market forces and hierarchical command structures.
The second part of this book which is about the environmental crisis and the struggle for nature divulges into three chapters which highlight Primitive Accumulation as the cause of economic and ecological disaster with Marx and the Environmental Catastrophe, with the seventh chapter ‘Finding a Way Out of the Anthropocene: The Theory of “Radical Needs” and the Ecological Transition’ by enlightening the readers in sum, takes capitalism at its word, and demand that our vital and qualitative needs be at last fulfilled.
The third part focuses on the most prominent issue of Migration, Labour and Globalization with three chapters like ‘Accumulation and Its Discontents: Migration and Nativism in Marx’s Capital and Late Manuscripts’ followed by ‘Marx on Migration and the Industrial Reserve Army: Not to Be Misused!’ and the last chapter ‘Globalization, Migrant Labour, and Capitalism: Past and Present’; the chapters deal with the most pertinent issues of migration, Migrant labour has been a feature of global capitalism since the latter’s, beginning. Capitalism needed labour from colonies, semi-colonies, and other parts of the world. Thus, while Atlantic slavery was supplying labour across the ocean, there was an increase in the mobility of labour in post manumission age, when capital became global and global trade became a defining feature of global capitalism.
Communism as a Free Association is the last part of the book which consists of three chapters where the first chapter is the Experience of the Paris Commune and Marx’s Reflections on Communism by the author following Communism as Probability and Contingency and the last chapter of the book which is about Uniting Communism and Liberalism: An Unsolvable Task or a Most Urgent Necessity? This details that humanity finds itself confronted with the task of con-sciously, deliberately and very rapidly revolutionizing its metabolic process and social relationship with nature, between this heaven and earth, its task is to face the plurality of mixed communist and liberal forms of regulating the complex relations of a multiplicity of actors and to shape these forms by solidarity.
The book by Marcello Musto who is an accomplished scholar has devoted his academic career to reviving the understanding of Marx’s ideas and their applications to the contemporary world, driven and passionate about the significance of Marx’s contributions in politics, sociology, the critique of political economy and philosophy, Musto has delivered seven books within the last 3 years. Each of them focuses on a different aspect of Marx’s work and highlights his relevance for finding alternative solutions to the most pressing current issues of capitalism and how it influences culture and society. Furthermore, the book is useful for researchers, academicians in understanding more about the role of capitalist culture in different dimensions of society.

Dr. Nupur Pattanaik
Central University of Odisha, India

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Ist Marxismus eurozentristisch

Seit den 1970er Jahren heißt es immer wieder, marxistische Theorie würde Menschen im Globalen Süden geringschätzen. Es fallen Argumente wie: »Marx hat die britische Kolonialherrschaft in Indien verteidigt« oder »Marxist:innen sind der Meinung, afrikanische Länder müssten sich erstmal wie der Westen entwickeln«. Marcello Musto zeigt in seinem Vortrag, dass sich Marx gegen Ende seines Lebens mit nicht-westeuropäischen Gesellschaften beschäftigt hat. Er erklärt, warum die Vorwürfe falsch sind – und warum gerade der Marxismus eine Lösung für eurozentristische Annahmen bietet.

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Gặp gỡ Marcello Musto

The priceless materials of MEGA² – many available only in German and therefore confined to small circles of researchers – show us an author very different from the one that numerous critics, or self-styled disciples, presented for such a long time. Indeed, the new textual acquisitions in MEGA² make it possible to say that, of the classics of political, economic and philosophical thought, Marx is the author whose profile has changed the most in the opening decades of the twenty-first century. Join us for an interview with Marcello Musto.

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The Marx Revival

“Scornful neglect and intemperate hostility, haughty dismissal and marginal course adoption, selective co-optation and selective bowdlerization: these are some of the strategies of establishment intellectuals over the years in response to the challenger of the thinker born 204 years ago in Trier. Yet, here we are near the beginning of the third decade of the 21st century, and it sometimes seems that Karl Marx’s ideas have never been as topical, or as commanding of respect and interest, as they are today.” —Marcello Musto, from the Preface, The Marx Revival