Categories
Past talks

Another Marx. New Profiles of an Evergreen

Despite the predictions that consigned it to eternal oblivion, Karl Marx’s thought has returned to the limelight in recent years. Faced with a deep new crisis of capitalism, many are again looking to an author who in the past was often wrongly associated with the Soviet Union, and who was too hastily dismissed after 1989. After the waning of interest in the 1980s and the “conspiracy of silence” in the 1990s, new or republished editions of his work have become available almost everywhere. The literature dealing with Marx, which all but dried up twenty-five years ago, is showing signs of revival in many countries.

Categories
Journalism

How Will Russia’s War on Ukraine End?

The war in Ukraine is now in its fourth month. According to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, it has already caused the death of almost five thousand civilians and has forced almost five million people to leave their homes and flee abroad. These numbers do not include military deaths — at least ten thousand Ukrainians and probably more on the Russian side — and the many millions of people who have been displaced inside Ukraine.
The invasion has also entailed the mass destruction of cities and civilian infrastructure that will take generations to rebuild. The extent of major war crimes, like those committed during the siege of Mariupol, are yet to fully come to light.
Reflecting on the war so far, Marcello Musto sat down with Etienne Balibar, Silvia Federici, and Michael Lowy. Together, they discussed Russia’s culpability, the role of NATO, and paths toward ending the war.

MARCELLO MUSTO    The Russian invasion of Ukraine has brought the brutality of war back to Europe and confronted the world with the dilemma of how to respond to the attack on Ukrainian sovereignty.

MICHAEL LOWY  As long as [Vladimir] Putin wanted to protect the Russian-speaking minorities of the Donetsk region, there was a certain rationality to his policies. The same can be said for his opposition to NATO’s expansion in Eastern Europe. However, this brutal invasion of Ukraine, with its series of bombings of cities, with thousands of civilian victims, among them elderly people and children, has no justification.

ETIENNE BALIBAR  The war developing before our eyes is “total.” It is a war of destruction and terror waged by the army of a more powerful neighboring country, whose government wants to enlist it in an imperialist adventure with no turning back. The urgent, immediate imperative is that the Ukrainians’ resistance should hold, and that to this end it should be and feel really supported by actions and not simple feelings. What actions? Here begins the tactical debate, the calculation of the efficacy and risks of the “defensive” and the “offensive.” However, “wait and see” is not an option.

MARCELLO MUSTO  Alongside the justified Ukrainian resistance, there is the equally critical question of how Europe can avoid being seen as an actor in the war and contribute instead, as much as possible, to a diplomatic initiative to bring an end to the armed conflict. Hence the demand of a significant part of public opinion — despite the bellicose rhetoric of the last three months — that Europe should not take part in the war.
The first point of this is to avoid even more suffering of the population. For the danger is that, already martyred by the Russian army, the nation will be turned into an armed camp that receives weapons from NATO and wages a long war on behalf of those in Washington who hope for a permanent weakening of Russia and a greater economic and military dependence of Europe on the US. If this were to happen, the conflict would go beyond the full and legitimate defense of Ukrainian sovereignty.

Those who, from the beginning, denounced the dangerous spiral of war that would follow shipments of heavy weapons to Ukraine are certainly not unaware of the daily violence perpetrated there and do not wish to abandon its population to the military might of Russia. “Nonalignment” does not mean neutrality or equidistance, as various instrumental caricatures have suggested. It is not a question of abstract pacifism as a matter of principle, but rather of a concrete diplomatic alternative. This implies carefully weighing up any action or declaration according to whether it brings nearer the key objective in the present situation: that is, to open credible negotiations to restore peace.

SILVIA FEDERICI  There is no dilemma. Russia’s war on Ukraine must be condemned. Nothing can justify the destruction of towns, the killing of innocent people, the terror in which thousands are forced to live. Far more than sovereignty has been violated in this act of aggression. However, I agree, we must also condemn the many maneuvers by which the US and NATO have contributed to foment this war, and the decision of the US and the EU to send arms to Ukraine, which will prolong the war indefinitely. Sending arms is particularly objectionable considering that Russia’s invasion could have been stopped, had the US given Russia a guarantee that NATO will not extend to its borders.

MARCELLO MUSTO  Since the beginning of the war, one of the main points of discussion has been the type of aid to be provided for the Ukrainians to defend themselves against Russia’s aggression, but without generating the conditions that would lead to even greater destruction in Ukraine and an expansion of the conflict internationally. Among the contentious issues in the past months have been [Volodymyr] Zelensky’s request for the imposition of a no-fly zone over Ukraine, the level of economic sanctions to be imposed on Russia, and, more significantly, the appropriateness of sending arms to the Ukrainian government. What are, in your opinion, the decisions that have to be taken to ensure the smallest number of victims in Ukraine and to prevent further escalation?

MICHAEL LOWY One could level many criticisms at present-day Ukraine: the lack of democracy, the oppression of the Russian-speaking minority, “occidentalism,” and many others. But one cannot deny the Ukrainian people their right to defend themselves against the Russian invasion of their territory in brutal and criminal contempt of the right of nations to self¬determination.

ETIENNE BALIBAR  I would say that the Ukrainians’ war against the Russian invasion is a “just war,” in the strong sense of the term. I am well aware that this is a questionable category, and that its long history in the West has not been free from manipulation and hypocrisy, or disastrous illusions, but I see no other suitable term.
I appropriate it, therefore, while specifying that a “just” war is one where it is not enough to recognize the legitimacy of those defending themselves against aggression — the criterion in international law — but where it is necessary to make a commitment to their side. And that it is a war where even those, like me, for whom all war — or all war today, in the present state of the world — is unacceptable or disastrous, do not have the choice of remaining passive. For the consequence of that would be still worse. I therefore feel no enthusiasm, but I choose: against Putin.

MARCELLO MUSTO  I understand the spirit of these observations, but I would concentrate more on the need to head off a general conflagration and therefore on the urgent need to reach a peace agreement. The longer this takes, the greater are the risks of a further expansion of the war. No one is thinking of looking away and ignoring what is happening in Ukraine. But we have to realize that when a nuclear power like Russia is involved, with no sizable peace movement active there, it is illusory to think that the war against Putin can be “won.”

ETIENNE BALIBAR  I am terribly afraid of military — including nuclear — escalation. It is terrifying and visibly not ruled out. But pacifism is not an option. The immediate requirement is to help the Ukrainians to resist. Let us not start playing “nonintervention” again. The EU is anyway already involved in the war. Even if it is not sending troops, it is delivering weapons — and I think it is right to do so. That is a form of intervention.

MARCELLO MUSTO  On May 9, the Biden administration approved the Ukraine Democracy Defense Lend-Lease Act of 2022: a package of more than forty billion dollars in military and financial aid to Ukraine. It is a colossal sum, to which should be added the aid from various EU countries, and it seems designed to fund a protracted war. Biden himself strengthened this impression on June 15, when he announced that the US would be sending military aid worth a further one billion dollars.
The ever larger supplies of hardware from the US and NATO encourage Zelensky to keep putting off the much-needed talks with the Russian government. Moreover, given the historical precedent of weapons that were originally sent into active war zones but sticking around long after for different ends, it seems reasonable to wonder whether these shipments will serve only to drive the Russian forces from Ukrainian territory.

SILVIA FEDERICI  I think that the best move would be for the US and EU to give Russia the guarantee that Ukraine will not join NATO. This was promised to [Mikhail] Gorbachev at the time of the fall of the Berlin Wall, though it was not put in writing. Unfortunately, there is no interest in seeking a solution.
Many in the US military and political power structure have been advocating and preparing for a confrontation with Russia for years. And the war is now conveniently used to justify a huge increase in petroleum extraction and brush aside all concern for global warming. Already Biden has gone back on his electoral campaign promise to stop drilling on Native American lands. We are also witnessing a transfer of billions of dollars to the US military industrial complex, that is one of the main winners in this war. Peace will not come with an escalation in the fighting.

MARCELLO MUSTO  Let us discuss the reactions of the Left to the Russian invasion. Some organizations, though only a small minority, made a big political mistake in refusing to clearly condemn Russia’s “special military operation” — a mistake which, apart from anything else, will make any denunciations of future acts of aggression by NATO, or others, appear less credible. It reflects an ideologically blinkered view that is unable to conceive of politics in anything but a one¬dimensional manner, as if all geopolitical questions had to be evaluated solely in terms of attempting to weaken the US.
At the same time, all too many others on the Left have yielded to the temptation to become, directly or indirectly, co-belligerents in this war. I was not surprised by the positions of the Socialist International, the Greens in Germany, or the few progressive representatives of the Democratic Party in the US — although sudden conversions to militarism by people who, just the day before, declared themselves to be pacifists always have a shrill, jarring quality. What I have in mind, rather, are many forces of the so-called “radical” left, who in these weeks have lost any distinct voice amid the pro-Zelensky chorus. I believe that, when they do not oppose war, progressive forces lose an essential part of their reason for existence and end up swallowing the ideology of the opposite camp.

MICHAEL LOWY  It is no coincidence that the great majority of the world’s “radical” left parties, including even those most nostalgic for Soviet socialism, such as communist parties of Greece and Chile, have condemned the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Unfortunately, in Latin America, important forces of the Left, and governments such as Venezuela’s, have taken the side of Putin, or have limited themselves to a sort of “neutral” stance — like [Luiz Inacio] Lula [da Silva], the leader of the Worker’s Party in Brazil. The choice for the Left is between the right of peoples to self-determination — as Lenin argued — and the right of empires to invade and attempt to annex other countries. You cannot have both, for these are irreconcilable options.

SILVIA FEDERICI  in the US, spokespersons for social justice movements and feminist organizations like Code Pink have condemned Russia’s aggression. It has been noted, however, that the US and NATO’s defense of democracy is quite selective, considering their record in Afghanistan, Yemen, Africom’s operations in the Sahel. And the list could go on.
The hypocrisy of the US’s defense of democracy in Ukraine is also evident when we consider the silence of the American government in the face of Israel’s brutal occupation of Palestine and constant destruction of Palestinian lives. It has also been noted that the US has opened its doors to Ukrainians after closing them to immigrants from Latin America, though for many fleeing from their countries was also a matter of life and death.
As for the Left, it is certainly a shame that the institutional left — starting with [Alexandria] Ocasio- Cortez — has supported sending arms to Ukraine. I wish that the radical media were more inquisitive concerning what we are told at the institutional level. For instance, why is “Africa starving” because of the war in Ukraine? What international policies have made African countries dependent on Ukrainian grains? Why not mention the massive land grabs at the hands of international companies, which have led many to speak of a “new scramble for Africa”? I want to ask, once again: Whose lives have value? And why do only certain forms of death arouse indignation?

MARCELLO MUSTO  Despite the increased support for NATO following the Russian invasion of Ukraine — demonstrated by the formal request of Finland and Sweden to join this organization — it is necessary to work harder to ensure that public opinion does not see the largest and most aggressive war machine in the world (NATO) as the solution to the problems of global security. In this story, NATO has shown itself yet again to be a dangerous organization, which, in its drive for expansion and unipolar domination, serves to fuel tensions leading to war around the globe. However, there is a paradox. Four months after the beginning of this war, we can certainly say that Putin not only got his military strategy wrong, but also ended up strengthening — even from the point of view of international consensus — the enemy whose sphere of influence he wanted to limit: NATO.

ETIENNE BALIBAR I am among those who think that NATO should have disappeared at the end of the Cold War, at the same time as the Warsaw Pact. However, NATO had not only external functions but also — perhaps mainly — the function of disciplining, not to say domesticating, the Western camp. All that is certainly linked to an imperialism: NATO is part of the instruments guaranteeing that Europe in the broad sense does not have genuine geopolitical autonomy vis-a-vis the American empire.
It is one of the reasons why NATO was kept after the Cold War. And, I agree, the consequences have been disastrous for the whole world. NATO consolidated several dictatorships in its own sphere of influence. It covered for — or tolerated — all sorts of wars, some of them hideously murderous and involving crimes against humanity. What is happening at the moment because of Russia has not changed my mind about NATO.

MICHAEL LOWY  NATO is an imperialist organization, dominated by the US and responsible for innumerable wars of aggression. The dismantling of this political-military monster, generated by the Cold War, is a fundamental requirement of democracy. Its weakening in recent years has led [Emmanuel] Macron to declare, in 2019, that the Alliance was “brain-dead.”
Unfortunately, Russia’s criminal invasion of Ukraine has resuscitated NATO. Sweden and Finland have now decided to join it. US troops are stationed in Europe in great numbers. Germany, which two years ago refused to enlarge its military budget despite [Donald] Trump’s brutal pressure, has recently decided to invest one hundred billion euros in rearmament. Putin has saved NATO from its slow decline, perhaps disappearance.

SILVIA FEDERICI  It is worrisome that Russia’s war on Ukraine has produced a great
amnesia about NATO’s expansionism, and its support of the EU and US imperialist policy. It is time to refresh our memory about NATO’s bombing of Yugoslavia, its role in Iraq, and its lead in the bombing and disintegration of Libya. Examples of NATO’s total and constitutional disregard for the democracy that it now pretends to defend are too many to count. I do not believe that NATO was moribund before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Quite the contrary. Its march through Eastern Europe and its presence in Africa demonstrates the opposite.

MARCELLO MUSTO  This amnesia seems to have affected many forces of the Left in government. Overturning its historical principles, the parliamentary majority of the Left Alliance in Finland recently voted in favor of joining NATO. In Spain, much of Unidas Podemos joined the chorus of the entire parliamentary spectrum in favor of sending weapons to the Ukrainian army and supported the huge rise in military spending. If a party does not have the courage to speak out loud against such policies, it makes its own contribution to the expansion of US militarism in Europe. Such subaltern political conduct has punished leftist parties many times in the past, including at the polls, as soon as the occasion has arisen.

ETIENNE BALIBAR  The best would be for Europe to be strong enough to protect its own territory, and for there to be an effective system of international security — that is, for the UN to be democratically overhauled and freed from the right of veto of the permanent members of the Security Council. But the more NATO rises as a security system, the more the UN declines. In Kosovo, Libya, and, above all in 2013, in Iraq, the aim of the United States and NATO in its wake was to degrade the UN capacities for mediation, regulation, and international justice.

MARCELLO MUSTO  Let us end on what you think the course of the war will be and what are the possible future scenarios.

ETIENNE BALIBAR  One can only be dreadfully pessimistic about the developments to come. I am myself, and I believe that the chances of avoiding disaster are very remote. There are at least three reasons for this.
First, escalation is probable, especially if the resistance to the invasion manages to keep going; and it cannot stop at “conventional” weapons — whose boundary with “weapons of mass destruction” has become very hazy. Second, if the war ends in a “result,” it will be disastrous in every eventuality. Of course, it will be disastrous if Putin achieves his aims by crushing the Ukrainian people and through the encouragement this gives for similar enterprises; or, also, if he is forced to halt and pull back, with a return to bloc politics in which the world will then become frozen.

MICHAEL LOWY  To propose a more ambitious objective, in positive terms, I would say that we should imagine another Europe and another Russia, rid of their capitalist parasitic oligarchies. [Jean] Jaures’s maxim “capitalism carries war like the cloud carries the storm” is more relevant than ever. Only in another Europe, from the Atlantic to the Urals — postcapitalist, social, and ecological — can peace and justice be assured. Is this a possible scenario? It depends on each of us.

Either of these outcomes will bring a flare-up of nationalism and hatred that will last a long time. Third, the war, and its sequels, hold back the mobilization of the planet against climate catastrophe — in fact, they help to precipitate it, and too much time has already been wasted.

MICHAEL LOWY  I share these preoccupations, especially concerning the delay in the fight against climate change, which is now totally marginalized by the arms race of all the countries concerned by the war.

SILVIA FEDERICI  I too am pessimistic. The US and other NATO countries have no intention of assuring Russia that NATO will not extend its reach to the borders of Russia. Therefore, the war will continue with disastrous consequences for Ukraine, Russia, and beyond. We will see in the coming months how other European countries will be affected. I cannot imagine future scenarios other than the extension of the state of permanent warfare that already is a reality in so many parts of the world and, once more, the diversion of resources much needed to support social reproduction toward destructive ends. It hurts me that we do not have a massive feminist movement going to the streets, going on strike, determined to put an end to all wars.

MARCELLO MUSTO  I, too, sense that the war will not stop soon. An “imperfect” but immediate peace would certainly be preferable to the prolonging of hostilities, but too many forces in the field are working for a different outcome. Whenever a head of state pronounces that “we will support Ukraine until it is victorious,” the prospect of negotiations recedes further into the distance. Yet I think it is more likely that we are heading for an indefinite continuation of the war, with Russian troops confronting a Ukrainian army resupplied and indirectly supported by NATO.
The Left should strenuously fight for a diplomatic solution and against increases in military spending, the cost of which will fall on the world of labor and lead to a further economic and social crisis. If this is what is going to happen, the parties that will gain are those on the far right that nowadays are putting their stamp on the European political debate in an ever more aggressive and reactionary manner.

ETIENNE BALIBAR  To put forward positive perspectives, our goal would have to be a recomposition of Europe, in the interests of the Russians, the Ukrainians, and our own, in such a way that the question of nations and nationalities is completely rethought.
An even more ambitious objective would be to invent and develop a multilingual, multicultural Greater Europe open to the world — instead of making the militarization of the European Union, inevitable though it may seem in the short term, the meaning of our future. The aim would be to avoid the “clash of civilizations” of which we would otherwise be the epicenter.

Categories
Reviews

Salvador Medina Ramírez, Río Arriba

Gheorghe Stoica menciona que en la Rumania comunista de Nicolae Ceausescu las directrices del partido demandaban que toda obra cultural mencionase primero la obra del líder antes que la de Marx, Engels y Lenin. De hecho, el estudio de la obra de Marx era muy escaso durante esa época, y a partir de la caída de Ceausescu prácticamente desapareció. “[E]l olvido profundo de Ceausescu y la expiación del neoliberalismo comparten un sorprendente hecho absurdo: en ninguno de los dos periodos se lee a Marx”. [1]

Esta terrible situación no es única a Rumania; la obra de Marx suele ser mal interpretada, a lo menos, o de plano manipulada por distintos espectros políticos: desde el estalinismo que establecía su propia interpretación monolítica del marxismo hasta la mala caricaturización que hacen liberales y autores de derecha de su obra en todo el mundo con el fin de desprestigiar o suplantar al marxismo. El resultado es que todos hablen de Marx sin conocerlo, sin leer ni estudiar su obra. El ejemplo de Thomas Pikkety es sorprendente, que titula su obra más conocida, El Capital en el siglo XXI, como reminiscencia del El Capital de Marx, sin siquiera haberlo leído. (New Republic, 5/5/2014).

Habría que aclarar primero que Marx fue muy prolífico. Desde su juventud hasta su fallecimiento escribió reportajes periodísticos, correspondencia, obras, y muchos materiales aún inéditos. Dejó asentadas sus reflexiones y la evolución de su teoría. En buena medida, la falta de conocimiento de toda la obra de Marx se debe a su escasa difusión en otros idiomas, incluyendo traducciones parciales, malas o poco accesibles.

Entre todos los materiales escritos por Marx, destacan los Fundamentos de la crítica de la economía política, mejor conocidos como Grundrisse (palabra alemana que designa esbozo o planos). Estos consisten en ocho cuadernos, escritos entre 1857-1858, donde Marx trata una gran cantidad de temas —algunos retomados en El Capital (en 1867)— por lo que se suele mencionar, erradamente, que estos cuadernillos fueron solamente el borrador de su magna obra.

La difusión de los mismos fue tardía debido a la negligencia y descuido del que fueron objeto los manuscritos originales. Estos fueron publicados por completo hasta 1939, en alemán, en medio de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, por lo que fueron poco difundidos. Fue hasta su reimpresión en 1953 que comenzarían a difundirse y a traducirse gradualmente, alcanzando 22 ediciones en diferentes idiomas. Su difusión inauguró nuevas interpretaciones del marxismo, enfrentando a las existentes hasta la década de 1960, pues es el primer gran análisis de la economía política donde expuso su método crítico de estudio y la complejidad del su pensamiento. También realizó una gran variedad de análisis que no desarrolla posteriormente, pero que permiten el surgimiento de nuevas avenidas interpretativas. Un ejemplo de ellas es la de John Bellamy Foster, quien por medio de estas notas ofrece una crítica marxista al impacto ecológico generado por el capitalismo. Incluso, Negri [2] menciona que en los Grundrisse puede detectarse el núcleo dinámico del pensamiento de Marx, tanto en su lógica histórica, como en su proyecto revolucionario. Por ello, tienen un gran valor para el estudio del autor, el enriquecimiento del marxismo y de su proyecto político.

Para conmemorar el 150 aniversario de estas notas, Marcello Musto editó y compiló una serie de textos en 2008 bajo el título Los Grundrisse de Karl Marx. Fundamentos de la crítica de la economía política 150 años después, traducido al español en 2018. El libro, en su versión original en inglés, se divide en tres partes, con escritos de 31 autores de distintas nacionalidades, incluyendo un prólogo del historiador británico Eric Hobsbawm.

La parte inicial, titulada Interpretaciones críticas de los Grundrisse, consta de ocho capítulos que tratan las interpretaciones de conceptos clave desarrollados a partir de esta obra. Sobre el método de producción de los Grundrisse escribe el mismo Marcelo Musto; sobre el concepto valor escribe Christoph Lieber; Terrel Craver desarrolla una discusión sobre la alienación; sobre el plusvalor escribe Enrique Dussel; Ellen Meikisins desarrolla una discusión sobre las formas de producción precapitalistas, enfatizando que para Marx los procesos históricos no están determinados; John Bellamy Foster escribe sobre las contradicciones ecológicas del capitalismo; Iring Fetshcer desarrolla la emancipación en una sociedad comunista; y Moishe Postpone realiza una reflexión entre las similitudes y diferencias de El Capital y los Grundrisse. Así, esta primera parte muestra la gran riqueza teórica de los Grundrisse para la discusión crítica.

La segunda parte del libro es de carácter histórico. En tres capítulos, busca contextualizar los Grundrisse históricamente. Específicamente, el primer capítulo, escrita por Musto, recrea la vida de Marx en este momento. Mientras los siguientes dos capítulos escritos por Michael R. Krätke, se enfocan en su trabajo periodístico y resalta cómo la crisis económica mundial de 1857-1958, la primera de su tipo, fue el impulso clave en la escritura de los Grundrisse, pues sin la escritura de los manuscritos referente a esta crisis probablemente jamás se hubieran desarrollado los primeros.

La tercera parte trata sobre la recepción de los Grundrisse en diferentes partes del mundo. Este es un trabajo monumental y colaborativo; con 12 capítulos y 11 autores, da cuenta de todas las traducciones que se han realizado y las discusiones teóricas que se desarrollaron en distintas naciones. Esto muestra el impacto que han tenido en el mundo después de más de 100 años de su escritura: traducidos a 32 idiomas e impresos al menos medio millón de ejemplares, constituyendo una gran difusión tomando en cuenta su carácter de estudios personales de Marx. Los Grundrisse tuvieron una buena recepción en Europa en la década de 1970, como parte de las revueltas estudiantiles, mientras que en el bloque soviético no sucedió lo mismo debido a las líneas de interpretación oficial del marxismo.

La edición en español, sobre la cual trata esta reseña, tiene dos capítulos adicionales desarrollados por Musto. Resultan una gran contribución para comprender los Grundrisse, conforme la tradición del mismo Marx de agregar material adicional en las traducciones de El Capital. El primer material extra es una introducción sobre el proceso que siguió Marx para escribirlos, una adición de un texto publicado originalmente en italiano. Mientras el segundo material se trata de un texto inédito, que trata sobre la vida de Marx y el enorme esfuerzo físico y mental, debido a las penurias económicas y de salud por las que pasaba, que realizó para escribir el libro primero de El Capital.

Ahora bien, un tema fundamental que resaltar tanto de los Grundrisse como de la publicación de Musto son los lentos ritmos de su traducción y difusión en español. [3] Los primeros tardaron casi 20 años en ser traducidos al español, mientras la obra de Musto tardó diez años. De acuerdo con Pedro Ribas y Rafael Pla León (capítulo 19) la primera traducción completa de los Grundrisse fue en 1971, en Cuba, basada en la versión francesa de dos años antes que fue poco conocida fuera de la isla. Le siguió la Argentina de Siglo XXI (1971-1976) basada en la publicación alemana de 1953 y rusa de 1968-1969. Teniendo otras tres traducciones en los siguientes años (Alberto Corazón en 1972, Crítica en 1997 y Fondo de Cultura Económica en 1985). Sin embargo, no profundizan en el debate que se generó en ninguno de los países, a diferencia de la sección dedicada a Alemania y a Francia.

Esto probablemente se deba a que realmente hubo un escaso debate. Por ejemplo, en México, posterior a la década de 1970, los temas más discutidos en el marxismo en México tenían que ver con Gramsci, Althusser, la transición de México al capitalismo y la teoría de la dependencia, así como las líneas ortodoxas marxistas. [4] Destaca por ejemplo la obra de Enrique Dussel [5] por ser el primer texto en español dedicado a su estudio a detalle, así como uno de los pocos a nivel internacional.

En el caso de la obra de Musto, que originalmente fue publicada en inglés en 2008, por la editorial Routledge, la traducción llegó diez años después, gracias a la iniciativa de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia y al Fondo de Cultura Económica, aprovechando el marco de la conmemoración de los 150 años de El Capital en 2017 y los 200 años del nacimiento de Marx en 2018.

De esta última, los tiempos pueden ser tomados como un mal menor, debido a las contribuciones adicionales contenidos en la traducción al español. Sin embargo, en un momento en que tanto las posibilidades técnicas y las capacidades humanas lo permiten, así como la urgencia que hay para la renovación de marxismo en América Latina y España, y por su puesto en el mundo, es fundamental recuperar el estudio de Marx. Esto nos permitirá superar los dogmatismos y su caricaturización del marxismo, y comprender críticamente las crisis del capitalismo actual en aras de hacerle frente.

Finalmente, tomando en cuenta las grandes desigualdades económicas en la región, no es posible que todos accedan a las versiones en otros idiomas o puedan comprenderlas por la barrera del idioma. Habrá así que encontrar la manera de traducir otras obras clave al español y en ediciones accesibles. [6] La difusión del conocimiento es necesario para el avance y emancipación de la humanidad.

[1] Musto, Marcello. (ed.) (2018 [2008]). Los Grundrisse de Karl Marx. Fundamentos de la Crítica de la Economía Política 150 años después. Bogotá: Fondo de Cultura Económica (FCE), Universidad Nacional de Colombia.

[2] Negri, Antonio. (2014). “Review of Karl Marx’s Grundrisse: Foundations of the Critique of Critical Economy 150 Years Later”. Rethinking Marxism. Pags 427-433. https://doi.org/10.1080/08935696.2014.917848

[3] Una difusión y traducción rápida, si se compara con la traducción portuguesa de los Grundrisse se realizaría hasta 2011.

[4] Illiades, Carlos (2018). El marxismo en México. Una historia Intelectual. México: Taurus.

[5] Dussel, Enirque (1985). La producción teórica de Marx. Un comentario a los Grundrisse, México: S.XXI.

[6] Por citar un ejemplo, no existe una traducción completa de los Manuscritos de 1863-1865 de Marx, como asienta Carlos Herrera y Fabiola Flores (2017).

Categories
Journalism

El desmantelamiento de la OTAN es un requisito fundamental de la democracia

La guerra en Ucrania comenzo hace cuatro meses. Segun la Oficina del Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas para los Derechos Humanos, ya ha causado la muerte de mas de 4.500 civiles y ha obligado a casi cinco millones de personas a abandonar sus hogares y convertirse en refugiados. Estas cifras no incluyen las muertes de militares -al menos 10.000 ucranianos y probablemente mas en el lado ruso- ni los muchos millones de personas desplazadas dentro de Ucrania. La invasion a Ucrania ha provocado la destruccion masiva de ciudades e infraestructuras civiles que tardaran generaciones en reconstruirse, asf como importantes crimenes de guerra, como los cometidos durante el asedio de Mariupol, perpetrados por las tropas rusas.
Con el objetivo de hacer un repaso de lo sucedido desde el inicio de la guerra, reflexionar sobre el papel de la OTAN y plantear posibles escenarios futuros, he llevado a cabo una mesa redonda con tres estudiosos de la tradicion marxista reconocidos internacionalmente: Etienne Balibar (EB), Silvia Federici (SF) y Michael Lowy (ML).

Marcello Musto (MM): La invasion rusa de Ucrania ha devuelto a Europa la brutalidad de la guerra y ha situado al mundo frente al dilema de como responder al ataque a la soberama ucraniana.

ML: Esta brutal invasion de Ucrania, con su serie de bombardeos de ciudades, con miles de vfctimas civiles, entre ellas ancianos y ninos, no tiene ninguna justificacion.

EB: La guerra que tiene lugar ante nuestros ojos es “total”. Es una guerra de destruccion y de terror llevada a cabo por el ejercito de un pais vecino mas poderoso, cuyo gobierno quiere enrolarlo en una aventura imperialista sin vuelta atras. El imperativo urgente e inmediato es que la resistencia de los ucranianos se mantenga, y que para ello sea y se sienta realmente apoyada por acciones y no por simples sentimientos. “Esperar a ver que pasa” no es una opcion.

MM: Junto a la justificada resistencia ucraniana, esta la cuestion igualmente critica del modo en que Europa puede evitar ser considerada una parte activa en la guerra y en su lugar contribuir, en la medida de lo posible, a una iniciativa diplomatica para poner fin al conflicto armado. De ahf la exigencia de una parte importante de la opinion publica -a pesar de la retorica belicosa de los ultimos cuatro meses- de que Europa no participe en la guerra. Se trata, en primer lugar, de evitar aun mas sufrimiento a la poblacion ucraniana. Porque el peligro es que, ya martirizada por el ejercito ruso, la nacion se convierta en un campamento militar que reciba armas de la OTAN y libre una prolongada guerra en nombre de quienes en Washington esperan un debilitamiento permanente de Rusia. Si esto ocurriera, el conflicto ina mas alla de la plena y legftima defensa de la soberama ucraniana. Los que denunciaron la peligrosa espiral de guerra que seguiria a los envfos de armas pesadas a Ucrania por supuesto no desean abandonar a su poblacion al podeno militar de Rusia. El “no alineamiento” no significa neutralidad o equidistancia, como han sugerido diversas caricaturas determinantes. Es una alternativa diplomatica concreta. Esto implica sopesar cuidadosamente cualquier accion en funcion de si favorece al objetivo clave en la situacion actual: es decir, abrir negociaciones crefbles para restablecer la paz.

SF: No hay ningun dilema. Hay que condenar la guerra de Rusia contra Ucrania. Nada puede justificar la destruccion de ciudades, la matanza de inocentes, el terror en el que se ven obligados a vivir miles de personas. En este acto de agresion se ha violado mucho mas que la soberama. Sin embargo, tambien debemos condenar las numerosas maniobras con las que EE. UU. y la OTAN han contribuido a fomentar esta guerra, y la decision de EE. UU. y la UE de enviar armas a Ucrania, lo que prolongara la guerra indefinidamente. El envfo de armas es especialmente censurable si se tiene en cuenta que la invasion rusa podna haberse detenido si EE. UU. hubiera dado a Rusia la garantia de que la OTAN no se extendena hasta sus fronteras.

MM: Desde el comienzo de la guerra, uno de los principales puntos de discusion ha sido el tipo de ayuda que se debfa proporcionar a los ucranianos para que se defendieran de la agresion rusa, pero sin generar las condiciones que llevanan a una destruccion aun mayor en Ucrania y a una expansion del conflicto a nivel internacional. Entre las cuestiones controvertidas estaba la conveniencia de enviar armas al Gobierno ucraniano. ^Cuales son, en su opinion, las decisiones que hay que tomar para garantizar el menor numero de vfctimas en Ucrania y evitar una mayor escalada?

ML: Se pueden hacer muchas criticas a la Ucrania actual: la falta de democracia, la opresion de la minoria rusoparlante, el “occidentalismo” y muchas otras. Pero no se puede negar al pueblo ucraniano su derecho a defenderse de la invasion rusa de su territorio en un brutal y criminal desprecio del derecho de las naciones a la autodeterminacion

EB: Yo diria que la guerra de los ucranianos contra la invasion rusa es una “guerra justa”, en el sentido amplio del termino. Soy muy consciente de que se trata de una consideracion cuestionable, y de que su larga historia en Occidente no ha estado exenta de manipulaciones e hipocresias, o de ilusiones desastrosas, pero no veo otro termino adecuado. Por lo tanto, me lo apropio especificando que una guerra “justa” es aquella en la que no basta con reconocer la legitimidad de los que se defienden de la agresion -el criterio del derecho internacional-, sino que es necesario comprometerse con su bando. Y que es una guerra en la que incluso aquellos, como yo, para quienes toda guerra -o toda guerra hoy, en el estado actual del mundo- es inaceptable o desastrosa, no tienen la opcion de permanecer pasivos. Porque la consecuencia de ello seria aun peor. Por lo tanto, no me siento entusiasmado, pero elijo: contra Putin. No empecemos a jugar de nuevo a la “no intervencion”. De todos modos, la UE ya esta involucrada en la guerra. Aunque no envie tropas, esta entregando armas, y creo que es correcto que lo haga. Es una forma de intervencion.

MM: Entiendo el espiritu de una parte de estas observaciones, pero yo me centraria mas en la necesidad de evitar una conflagracion general y, por lo tanto, en la necesidad urgente de alcanzar un acuerdo de paz. Cuanto mas tiempo pase, mayores seran los riesgos de una nueva expansion de la guerra. Nadie esta pensando en mirar hacia otro lado e ignorar lo que esta ocurriendo en Ucrania. Pero tenemos que darnos cuenta de que cuando esta implicada una potencia nuclear como Rusia, sin ningun movimiento de paz importante activo alli, es ilusorio pensar que se puede “ganar” la guerra contra Putin. El 9 de mayo Estados Unidos aprobo la Ley de Prestamo de Defensa de la Democracia de Ucrania: un paquete de mas de 40.000 millones de dolares en ayuda militar y financiera a Ucrania. Es una suma descomunal, y parece disenada para financiar una guerra prolongada. Los suministros de armamento cada vez mayores y Estados Unidos y la OTAN animan a Zelenski a seguir aplazando las tan necesarias conversaciones con el Gobierno ruso. Ademas, dado que las armas enviadas en muchas guerras en el pasado han sido utilizadas posteriormente por otros para fines diferentes, parece razonable preguntarse si estos envios solo serviran para expulsar a las fuerzas rusas del territorio ucraniano.

SF: Creo que la mejor medida seria que Estados Unidos y la UE dieran a Rusia la garantia de que Ucrania no entrara en la OTAN. Por desgracia no hay interes en buscar una

solucion. Muchos en la estructura de poder militar y politico de EE. UU. han estado defendiendo y preparando una confrontacion con Rusia durante anos. Y la guerra se utiliza ahora convenientemente para justificar un enorme aumento de la extraccion de petroleo y dejar de lado toda preocupacion por el calentamiento global. Tambien estamos asistiendo a una transferencia de miles de millones de dolares al complejo industrial militar de Estados Unidos. La paz no llegara con una escalada de los combates.

MM: Hablemos de las reacciones de la izquierda ante la invasion rusa. Algunas organizaciones, aunque solo una pequena minoria, cometieron un gran error politico al negarse a condenar claramente la “operacion militar especial” de Rusia, un error que, aparte de todo lo demas, hara que cualquier denuncia de futuros actos de agresion por parte de la OTAN, u otros, parezca menos crefble. Refleja una vision ideologicamente cegada que es incapaz de concebir la polftica de otra manera que no sea unidimensional, como si todas las cuestiones geopolfticas tuvieran que ser evaluadas unicamente en terminos de intentar debilitar a Estados Unidos. Al mismo tiempo, demasiados miembros de la izquierda han cedido a la tentacion de convertirse, directa o indirectamente, en cobeligerantes en esta guerra. Creo que, cuando no se oponen a la guerra, las fuerzas progresistas pierden una parte esencial de su razon de ser y acaban tragandose la ideologfa del campo contrario.

ML: Desafortunadamente, en America Latina, importantes fuerzas de la izquierda, y gobiernos como el venezolano, se han puesto del lado de Putin, o se han limitado a una especie de postura “neutral” -como Lula, el lfder del Partido de los Trabajadores en
Brasil-. La eleccion para la izquierda es entre el derecho de los pueblos a la autodeterminacion -como sostema Lenin- y el derecho de los imperios a invadir e intentar anexionarse otros pafses. No se pueden tener las dos cosas porque son opciones irreconciliables.

SF: En EE. UU., portavoces de movimientos a favor de la justicia social y organizaciones feministas como Code Pink han condenado la agresion rusa. Sin embargo, se ha observado que la defensa de la democracia por parte de EE. UU. y de la OTAN es bastante selectiva, teniendo en cuenta el historial de la OTAN y de EE. UU. en Afganistan, Yemen y las operaciones de Africom en el Sahel. Ciertamente es una pena que la izquierda institucional -empezando por Ocasio-Cortez- haya apoyado el envfo de armas a Ucrania. Tambien me gustana que los medios de comunicacion radicales fueran mas inquisitivos respecto a lo que nos cuentan a nivel institucional. Por ejemplo, ^por que “Africa se muere de hambre” por la guerra de Ucrania? ^Que polfticas internacionales han hecho que los pafses africanos dependan de los cereales ucranianos? ^Por que no se menciona el acaparamiento masivo de tierras a manos de empresas internacionales, lo que ha llevado a muchos a hablar de una “nueva lucha por Africa”?

MM: A pesar del aumento del apoyo a la OTAN tras la invasion rusa de Ucrania – demostrado por la peticion formal de Finlandia y Suecia de unirse a esta organizacion¬es necesario trabajar mas para que la opinion publica no vea la mayor y mas agresiva maquina de guerra del mundo (la OTAN) como la solucion a los problemas de seguridad global. En esta historia, la OTAN ha demostrado una vez mas ser una organizacion peligrosa que, en su afan de expansion y de dominacion unipolar, sirve para alimentar las tensiones que conducen a la guerra en el mundo. Sin embargo, hay algo paradojico. Casi cuatro meses despues del inicio de esta guerra podemos afirmar con toda seguridad que Putin no solo se equivoco en su estrategia militar, sino que acabo fortaleciendo -incluso desde el punto de vista del consenso internacional- al enemigo cuya esfera de influencia queria limitar: la OTAN.

ML: La OTAN es un monstruo polftico-militar generado por la Guerra Fria y su desmantelamiento es un requisito fundamental de la democracia. Desgraciadamente, la criminal invasion rusa de Ucrania ha resucitado a la OTAN. Suecia y Finlandia han decidido ahora unirse a ella. Hay un gran numero de tropas estadounidenses desplegadas en Europa. Alemania, que hace dos anos se negaba a ampliar su presupuesto militar a pesar de la brutal presion de Trump, recientemente ha decidido invertir 100.000 millones de euros en rearme. Putin ha salvado a la OTAN de su lento declive, quiza de su desaparicion.

SF: Es preocupante que la guerra de Rusia contra Ucrania haya provocado una gran amnesia acerca del expansionismo de la OTAN y el apoyo a la polftica imperialista de la UE y EE. UU. Los ejemplos del desprecio total y constitucional de la OTAN hacia la democracia que ahora pretende defender son demasiados para contarlos. No creo que la OTAN estuviera moribunda antes de la invasion rusa de Ucrania. Su marcha por Europa del Este y su presencia en Africa demuestran lo contrario.

MM: Esta amnesia parece haber afectado a muchas fuerzas de la izquierda en el gobierno. Revirtiendo sus principios historicos, la mayona parlamentaria de la Alianza de la Izquierda en Finlandia voto recientemente a favor de la adhesion a la OTAN. Esta conducta polftica subordinada ha castigado a los partidos de izquierda muchas veces en el pasado, incluso en las urnas, en cuanto ha surgido la ocasion.

EB: Cuanto mas asciende la OTAN como sistema de seguridad, mas decae la ONU. En Kosovo, Libia y, sobre todo en 2013, en Irak, el objetivo de Estados Unidos y de la OTAN a su paso era degradar la capacidad de mediar, regular e impartir justicia internacional de la ONU.

MM: Terminemos con lo que ustedes creen que sera el curso de la guerra y cuales son los posibles escenarios futuros.

EB: No se puede ser mas que extremadamente pesimista sobre los acontecimientos que se avecinan. Yo mismo lo soy y creo que las posibilidades de evitar el desastre son muy remotas. Hay al menos tres razones para pensar asL En primer lugar, es probable que se produzca una escalada, sobre todo si la resistencia a la invasion consigue mantenerse; y no puede detenerse en las armas “convencionales”, cuya frontera con las “armas de destruccion masiva” se ha vuelto muy difusa. En segundo lugar, si la guerra termina con un “resultado”, sera desastrosa en cualquier caso. Por supuesto, sera desastroso si Putin logra sus objetivos aplastando al pueblo ucraniano y a traves del estimulo que esto supone para empresas similares; o tambien si se ve obligado a detenerse y retirarse, con un retorno a la polftica de bloques en la que entonces el mundo quedara congelado. Cualquiera de estos resultados provocara un estallido de nacionalismo y odio que durara mucho tiempo. En tercer lugar, la guerra y sus secuelas frenan la movilizacion del planeta contra la catastrofe climatica; de hecho, contribuyen a precipitarla

SF: Yo tambien soy pesimista. Estados Unidos y otros pa^ses de la OTAN no tienen ninguna intencion de asegurar a Rusia que la OTAN no extendera su alcance hasta las fronteras de Rusia. Por lo tanto, la guerra continuara con consecuencias desastrosas para Ucrania, Rusia y mas alla. En los proximos meses veremos como se veran afectados otros pa^ses europeos. No puedo imaginar otros escenarios futuros que no sean la extension del estado de guerra permanente que ya es una realidad en tantas partes del mundo y, una vez mas, el desvfo de recursos muy necesarios para apoyar la reproduccion social hacia fines destructivos.

MM: Yo tambien tengo la sensacion de que la guerra no se detendra pronto. Una paz “imperfecta” pero inmediata sin duda seria preferible a la prolongacion de las hostilidades, pero demasiadas fuerzas sobre el terreno estan trabajando para que el desenlace sea distinto. Cada vez que un jefe de Estado declara que “apoyaremos a Ucrania hasta que salga victoriosa”, la perspectiva de las negociaciones se aleja aun mas. Sin embargo, creo que es mas probable que nos dirijamos a una continuacion indefinida de la guerra, con las tropas rusas enfrentandose a un ejercito ucraniano reabastecido y apoyado indirectamente por la OTAN. La izquierda debena luchar energicamente por una solucion diplomatica y contra el aumento del gasto militar, cuyo coste recaera sobre el mundo laboral y provocara una nueva crisis economica y social. Si esto es lo que va a ocurrir, los partidos que saldran ganando son los de extrema derecha que hoy en dfa estan dejando su impronta en el debate politico europeo.

ML: Para proponer un objetivo mas ambicioso, en terminos positivos, dina que deberiamos imaginar otra Europa y otra Rusia, libres de sus oligarqmas parasitarias capitalistas. La maxima de Jaures “el capitalismo lleva a la guerra como la nube a la tormenta” esta mas vigente que nunca. Solo en otra Europa, desde el Atlantico hasta los Urales -postcapitalista, social y ecologica- se puede asegurar la paz y la justicia. ^Es este escenario posible? Depende de cada uno de nosotros.

Categories
Reviews

Francisco T. Sobrino, Herramienta. Revista de Debate y Crítica Marxista

El escritor argentino Luis Franco, definió a Karl Marx como “el hombre que sacó la filosofía de las academias y la puso en los puños del mundo”. En otras palabras, Marcello Musto afirma que “pocos hombres han conmovido al mundo como lo hizo Marx”, y que su pensamiento inspiró los programas y estatutos de todas las organizaciones políticas y sindicales del movimiento obrero en casi todo el mundo. Sin embargo, para el autor, ya en el siglo XIX habían surgido intentos para convertir sus teorías en una ideología rígida y dogmática. Lo que ayudó a consolidar esta transformación de las teorías de Marx fueron las formas en que sus ideas llegaron al público lector, debido a la reducida impresión de sus principales obras, y a las consiguientes difusión de resúmenes y compendios truncados, y a que cuando falleció, fragmentos de algunos sus textos fueron reformados por quienes los conservaban, debido al estado incompleto de muchos de sus manuscritos. Esta especie de “manuales”, aunque ayudaba a difundir sus ideas mundialmente, distorsionaba su complejo pensamiento, convirtiéndolo en una versión teóricamente empobrecida de su verdadero pensamiento..
Surgió así, entre 1889 y 1914, una doctrina esquemática, que interpretaba en forma evolucionista y económicamente determinista la historia humana, conocida como el “marxismo de la II Internacional” que creía ingenuamente en el progreso automático de la historia, y por lo tanto el “inevitable” reemplazo del capitalismo por el socialismo, pero incapaz de comprender los acontecimientos reales, que al alejarse de una praxis revolucionaria, creó una suerte de pasividad fatalista que –contradictoriamente -contribuía a la estabilidad del orden social existente, pues creía en la teoría del colapso inminente de la sociedad burguesa, y era considerada como la esencia fundamental del “socialismo científico”. El marxismo ruso, que en el siglo XX jugó un papel fundamental a partir de la revolución, popularizando en todo el mundo el pensamiento de Marx, siguió esa forma vulgarizada, aún con mayor rigidez. A pesar de los conflictos ideológicos de esa época, muchos de los elementos teóricos de la II Internacional se transmitieron así a la matriz cultural de la III Internacional.
La degradación del pensamiento de Marx culminó en la interpretación del llamado marxismo-leninismo, bajo la forma del “Diamat” (materialismo dialéctico) al estilo soviético, que copió acríticamente la gran mayoría de los partidos marxistas-leninistas” de todo el mundo. La teoría perdió su función como una guía para la acción revolucionaria y pasó a ser su justificación, siguiendo los intereses nacionales de la Unión Soviética. Este verdadero catecismo ideológico interpretó dogmáticamente los textos de Marx. Si bien con la revolución soviética el marxismo disfrutó así de una gran expansión en lugares y clases sociales a los que hasta entonces no había llegado, consistió más en manuales, guías y antologías partidarias que en los textos del propio Marx. Al ser distorsionado su pensamiento, ante los ojos de toda la humanidad, él mismo pasó a ser identificado con esas maniobras. Su teoría pasó a ser un conjunto de versículos al estilo de la biblia. Los responsables políticos de esas manipulaciones lo transformaron en el presunto progenitor de la nueva sociedad. A pesar de su afirmación de que “la emancipación de la clase obrera debe ser obra de los trabajadores mismos”, quedó como el responsable de una ideología que daba primacía a las vanguardias y partidos políticos como dirigentes de la revolución.
Sea por las disputas teóricas o por eventos políticos, el interés en su obra ha fluctuado con el tiempo y Musto reconoce que también ha pasado por períodos indiscutibles de declinación. Desde la “crisis del marxismo”, la disolución de la II Internacional, los debates sobre las contradicciones de la teoría económica de Marx hasta la implosión del “socialismo realmente existente”. Pero siempre ha habido un “regreso a Marx”. Declarado muerto luego de la caída del muro de Berlín, Marx se convierte otra vez en el centro de un interés generalizado, pues su pensamiento se basa en una permanente capacidad para explicar el presente, y sigue siendo un instrumento indispensable para comprenderlo y transformarlo.
Frente a la crisis de la sociedad capitalista y las profundas contradicciones que la atraviesan, este autor al que se había desechado luego de 1989, está siendo considerado nuevamente y se lo vuelve a interrogar. La literatura secundaria sobre el pensador nacido en la ciudad de Tréveris, casi agotada hace pocos años, está resurgiendo en muchos países, en los formatos de nuevos estudios y folletos en distintos idiomas, así como conferencias internacionales, cursos universitarios y seminarios. En especial desde el comienzo de la crisis económica internacional en 2008, académicos teóricos de economía vuelven a apoyarse en sus análisis sobre la inestabilidad del capitalismo. Finalmente, aunque en forma tímida y confusa, para Musto se está haciendo sentir en la política una nueva demanda por Marx; desde Latinoamérica hasta el movimiento de la globalización alternativa. Y en estos mismos días, la invasión rusa a Ucrania ha generado un reverdecer de las polémicas entre las corrientes que se reivindican seguidoras del marxismo.
Con ese objetivo, Musto en su introducción, acompañada de una clara y necesaria exposición de los problemas actuales que aquejan al sistema capitalista a nivel mundial una útil tabla cronológica de los escritos más importantes de Marx. El autor reflexiona sobre el cambio luego de la caída del muro de Berlin, a partir del cual Marx dejó de ser como “una esfinge tallada en piedra que protege al grisáceo socialismo realmente existente del siglo XX”, pero que aún así sería un error creer que se pueda confinar su legado teórico y político a un pasado que ya no tenía nada que ver con los conflictos de la actualidad.
Ejemplo de la actualidad que tiene para Marcelo Musto en nuestros días la obra de Marx y que reafirma el valor de su pensamiento es la continuación de la MEGA2 (Marx-Engels Gesamtausgabe) una proyecto que había comenzado antes de la 2da. Guerra Mundial y se había detenido entonces, donde participan académicos de varias competencias disciplinarias de muchos países, articulado en cuatro secciones: la primera incluye todas las obras, artículos y borradores (excluido El capital); la segunda incluye El capital y sus estudios preliminares a partir de 1857; la tercera está dedicada a la correspondencia; y la cuarta incluye extractos, anotaciones y comentarios al margen. De los 114 volúmenes proyectados, ya se han publicado 53; cada uno de los cuales consiste en 2 libros: el texto más el aparato crítico, que contiene los índices y muchas notas adicionales. Esta empresa tiene gran importancia para Musto, si consideramos que gran parte de los manuscritos de Marx, de su voluminosa correspondencia e inmensa montaña de extractos y anotaciones que acostumbraba a hacer mientras leía, nunca se han publicado.
Este libro incluye, en su Primera Parte, “La relectura de Marx en 2015”, a conocidos autores marxistas que estudian y desarrollan, a partir de sus diferentes lecturas de Marx. sus opiniones sobre diversos temas de la actualidad. Creemos importante detallar los distintos trabajos y a sus autores::
*Kevin B. Anderson, “No sólo el capital y la clase: Marx sobre las sociedades no occidentales, el nacionalismo y la etnicidad”;
* Paresh Chattopadhyay, “El mito del socialismo del siglo XX y la permanente relevancia de Karl Marx”;
* Michael Lebowitz, “¡Cambiemos al sistema, no a sus barreras!”;
* George Comninel, “Marx, la teoría social y la sociedad humana”;
*Victor Wallis, “El ‘mal menor’ como argumento y táctica, desde Marx hasta el presente”
* Ricardo Antunes, “Marx y las formas actuales de la alienación: las cosificaciones inocentes y las cosificaciones extrañadas”;
* Terrel Carver que , “Marx y el género”
* Richard D. Wolf, “El redescubrimiento de Marx en la crisis capitalista”,
* Meiksins Wood. “El capitalismo universal”,
* Y el propio Marcello Musto, “Revisitando la concepción de la alienación en Marx”.
La Segunda Parte del libro está dedicada a la “recepción global de Marx hoy”, y se refiere a las distintas recepciones del pensamiento de Marx en los diversos países o regiones, con referencias a las distintas situaciones que han atravesado los intelectuales y los partidos o movimientos que se reivindican marxistas. y la situación de los mismos en este temprano siglo XXI. En esta parte hay elementos interesantes, como las comparaciones (o contrastes) entre las diferentes formas de la “recepción” del pensamiento de Marx, así como los cambios en Rusia y los países de Europa Oriental y Asia que surgieron luego de la implosión soviética, o los dramáticos cambios acaecidos a partir de la “Reforma y Apertura” en la República Popular China.
En suma, nos encontramos con un libro que, como ha dicho el profesor Bertell Ollman, de la Universidad de Nueva York, “es útil para comprender por qué Marx fue elegido el pensador más grande del último milenio en una encuesta de la BBC”.

 

[1] Marcelo Musto: La Marx-Engels Gesamtausgabe (MEGA2) y nos nuevos rostros de Karl Marx

Categories
Reviews

Josep Recasens Subias, Marx & Philosophy. Review of Books

The publication in 1933 of the Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 originated a debate around what place this text had in the work of Marx. The usage of ‘alienation’ that has a minor role in Capital rapidly established the belief of a split between the early and the late Marx. This split was defended by those who considered the early writings to be more essential than the late ones as they allegedly constitute the philosophical basis of Marxism. On the opposite camp, Althusser regarded the early writings as a residue of ‘Hegelianism’ that Marx had to get rid of before developing his relevant, ‘scientific’ thought on capitalist societies. A third position denied the existence of such a break and argued that there is a continuity in Marx’s thought, specifically on that of alienation. Nonetheless, this position was usually defended with a poor philological analysis of texts and quotations, mixing Marx’s early and late writings without caution.

In Karl Marx’s Writings on Alienation, Marcello Musto distinguishes these three positions and embraces the last one, trying to pay its pending debt, and gives a very complete selection of Marx’s writings on alienation from his main works. Musto’s central thesis is that Marx developed a theory of alienation that has a continuity in all his writings, from the Manuscripts of 1844 to Capital. This is true regardless of its progression and use of different expressions such as ‘alienation’, ‘dead (or objectified) labour over living labour’, and ‘reification’ or ‘fetishism’ (4) to explain the same phenomenon, or at least some aspects of it.

The book comprises two parts: the first is an introduction by Musto to the last century debates around alienation and the second consists of his careful selection of Marx’s writings on alienation. The latter is chronologically ordered and divided into three chapters (not treated as three different positions or stages Marx passed through), starting with the Manuscripts of 1844 and other early writings up until 1856. The second chapter contains the relevant passages from the Grundrisse (1857) and the Theories of Surplus Value (1861-63). The third chapter includes some parts of Capital and its preparatory notes (1863-1875). Each selected writings has an important introductory note by the editor that explains when and with what intention it was written, but also when it was published, by Marx or posthumously.

Musto’s introduction (almost a third of the book) has a twofold function. On the one hand, it sketches an interpretation of what Marx meant by alienation, giving indications on how to approach his work. On the other hand, Musto contrasts Marx’s theory of alienation to other philosophical theories that are supposed to treat the same phenomenon (French existentialists, Heidegger, Debord, American sociology, etc.), and also to other interpretations of Marx’s texts that were developed during the last century (Lukács, Althusser, Marcuse, etc.).

Musto reminds us that, contra Hegel’s transhistorical-ontological notion of alienation as objectification, alienation for Marx is not an ‘ontological’ conception of human beings or the condition of human labour in general. Rather, it is a phenomenon specific to the ‘capitalist, epoch of production’ (7). Central to Marx’s theory of alienation is the alienation of labour, which has a priority over the alienation from political or religious spheres. That is the reason why there are no fragments in this selection of the philosophical writings on alienation written before Marx started to study political economy. Marx accepts that ‘Labour’s realisation is its objectification’, but also adds that, ‘in the conditions dealt with by political economy this realisation of labour appears as loss of reality for the workers […] as alienation’ (52). Given that Marx ‘always discussed alienation from a historical, not a natural, point of view’ (7), his theory is not only different from Hegel’s, but also those who embraced Hegel’s conception of alienation as a phenomenon related to labour (e.g. Marcuse) and the French existentialists like Sartre who treat alienation as a kind of general human condition and not specifically in relation to labour.

Marx’s theory of alienation can be read in two different but related ways. The first emphasises the alienation of the worker from her conditions of production. Under capitalist conditions, labour takes the form of wage labour. The worker has no control over the products of her labour. Thus, ‘objectified labour, value as such, confronts him as an entity in its own right, as capital’ (102), as Marx notes. In this exchange between labour and capital, the capitalist appropriates surplus-value and invest it as capital again. If the worker is alien to the object of labour, then she becomes also alienated from the activity of labour, her species-being, and other human beings. Musto shows that Arendt and Fromm’s readings of Marx focused only on this type of self-alienation, developed in the early writings. Nonetheless, Musto correctly indicates that this subjective side of alienation is inseparable from the objective one that Marx fully developed later as the fetish-character of the commodity. With this Marx focuses on how the products of labour under capitalism dominate social relations between individuals. The editor concludes that ‘commodity fetishism did not replace alienation but was one aspect of it’ (34).

While Musto subscribes to the continuity thesis, nonetheless, he does not accept that there is a strict continuity in Marx’s theoretical position on alienation. The late works, compared with the earlier ones, offer ‘greater understanding of economic categories’ and ‘more rigorous social analysis’ (30). For example, they establish the link ‘between alienation and exchange value’ and provide critical insights on the ‘opposition between capital and ‘living labour-power’’ (ibid). The late works also demonstrate the emancipatory potentialities of the theory of alienation where ‘the path to a society free of alienation’ becomes ‘much more complicated in Capital’ (35), whereas in the early writings the philosophical conception of unalienated society remains to a large extent indeterminate and vague.

The second part of the book contains Marx’s well-known passages on alienation that are often discussed by the interpreters, including that of the Manuscripts of 1844. However, the major innovation of this editorial work lies in selecting the texts that are given less attention when the question of alienation is considered, despite some of them being the most extensive. Specifically, this omission usually excluded some late texts. One example is the Economic Manuscripts (1863-1865), written as preparatory manuscripts for Capital, whose selected paragraphs are translated by Patrick Camiller into English for the first time.

One of the main points of contestation in the debates around the theory of alienation is the apparent incompatibility or tension between Marx’s idea of workers being alienated from their ‘species-being’ and his thesis of not assuming a certain transhistorical conception of human essence. This incompatibility would raise two problems. The first, internal to Marx’s theory, relates to the incoherence of its premises. It seems inconsistent to deny the existence of a human essence but at the same time assume that workers are alienated from their ‘species-being’ (the term that can be regarded as another name for ‘human essence’). The second is ‘external’ and argues that, if one does not share Marx’s conception of human essence, then the critique of alienation cannot be accepted. This incompatibility could be solved by denying the continuation thesis and establishing that the later Marx abandoned the idea of species-being. As we have seen, Musto proposes another solution to the problem. He argues that Marx does not approach alienation from an ontological point of view, not even in the early writings, because Marx always discusses alienation in relation to a historical specific form of production. This idea allows Musto to shift the debate from the confusing philosophical and terminological debates of what human essence or ontology are, to the understanding of the specific functioning of capitalist mode of production. Nevertheless, Musto does not critically engage with the category of ‘species-being’ and its relation, if any, to Capital. Nor does Musto accept that discussing alienation in relation to a specific form of production could be compatible with the ontological point of view. The analysis of the relationship between alienation and ontology, marked with tensions and contradictions, requires further elucidation in the book.

The fact that the term ‘alienation’ is dropped altogether by Marx in his late writings could potentially call into question Musto’s thesis that the fetish-character of the commodity is an integral aspect of the theory of alienation. However, the usage of ‘alienation’ in the Grundrisse and other preparatory writings of Capital may confirm Musto’s idea that this absence was just to avoid unnecessary philosophical words in a work published for the public. Furthermore, Musto’s selection of Marx’s writings on commodity fetishism in chapter four helps us to elucidate the importance Marx gave to the theory of alienation in his magnum opus. It is true that there is no specific chapter allocated to the question of fetishism in Capital, but only a section that is considered by many as ‘unessential’ to the rest of the book. This led to the idea that fetishism, even if it is part of the theory of alienation, is not relevant to the understanding of the late Marx. Nonetheless, the so-called ‘drafts’ of Capital from 1857 onwards, mainly included in chapter three (the largest chapter of the selection and maybe the most elucidating one, despite being partially repetitive), demonstrate well that fetishism is viewed as an essential phenomenon of capitalist production and, thus, that of the critique of capitalism.

To conclude, Marx never wrote a developed account of his theory of alienation. This makes it difficult to say if there is a complete theory of alienation in Marx or just some fragmentary sketches of a possible theory that needs to be critically reconstructed. In any case, Musto’s editorial work offers an exhaustive collection of writings that allow the reader to form her own opinion without having to read the seemingly endless works of Marx. Musto does not offer a systematic exposition of Marx’s theory of alienation. Nonetheless, this is not his intention in editing this book. As he brilliantly shows in his introduction, the debate around Marx’s notion of alienation has been so distorted that it almost had nothing to do anymore with what Marx wrote. Karl Marx’s Writings on Alienation is one of the best resources we have to overcome past misinterpretations and to keep the ongoing debates on alienation close to Marx’s true emancipatory thought.

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Journalism

La via a sinistra per invocare la pace e poi non disprezzare la guerra

La sinistra è sempre stata contro la guerra. Fin dalla nascita della Prima Internazionale, il movimento socialista si batté per “l’abolizione definitiva di ogni guerra”. Nei documenti di questa organizzazione si leggeva che erano soprattutto i lavoratori a pagare, economicamente, quando non con il loro sangue – e senza alcuna distinzione tra vincitori e sconfitti –, le conseguenze più nefaste delle guerre. In L’Europa può disarmare? (1893), Engels segnalò che la produzione di armamenti senza precedenti avvenuta in Europa rendeva possibile l’approssimarsi di “una guerra di distruzione che il mondo non aveva mai conosciuto”. Aggiunse che, “il sistema degli eserciti permanenti era stato spinto a un punto talmente estremo da essere condannato a rovinare economicamente i popoli, per via delle spese belliche, o a degenerare in una guerra di annientamento generale”. Il proletariato doveva battersi per il disarmo, considerato l’unica effettiva “garanzia della pace”.

Ben presto, da argomento teorico analizzato in tempi di pace, la lotta contro il militarismo divenne un problema politico preminente, soprattutto in seguito all’espansione imperialista da parte delle principali potenze europee. La presunta politica di pace della borghesia venne irrisa e definita con il termine di «pace armata». Jaurès, leader del Partito Socialista Francese, in un discorso del 1895, condensò in una frase i timori delle forze di sinistra: «sempre la vostra società, violenta e caotica, persino quando vuole la pace, persino quando è in stato di quiete apparente, reca in sé la guerra, come la nube reca in sé l’uragano». La mozione votata al Congresso di Stoccarda (1907) della Seconda Internazionale diede due indicazioni fondamentali: la scelta di voto contrario a leggi di bilancio che proponevano l’aumento delle spese militari e l’avversione agli eserciti permanenti.
Tuttavia, con il passare degli anni, socialdemocratici e socialisti si impegnarono sempre meno a promuovere una concreta politica d’azione in favore della pace. L’opposizione al riarmo e ai preparativi bellici in atto fu molto blanda e la SPD, divenuta molto legalista e moderata, barattò il suo voto favorevole ai crediti militari in cambio della concessione di maggiori libertà politiche in patria. Le conseguenze di questa scelta furono disastrose. Il movimento operaio giunse a condividere gli obiettivi espansionistici delle classi dominanti e venne travolto dall’ideologia nazionalista. La Seconda Internazionale si rivelò del tutto impotente di fronte allo scoppio della Prima Guerra Mondiale, fallendo in uno dei suoi intenti principali: preservare la pace.

I due esponenti di punta del movimento operaio che si opposero con maggiore vigore alla guerra furono la Luxemburg e Lenin. La prima ammodernò il bagaglio teorico della sinistra sulla guerra e mostrò come il militarismo rappresentasse un nerbo vitale dello Stato. Sostenne che la parola d’ordine «guerra alla guerra!» doveva diventare «il punto cruciale della politica proletaria». Pertanto, da quel momento in avanti, la classe lavoratrice doveva avere come «scopo principale», anche in tempo di pace, quello di «lottare contro l’imperialismo e di impedire le guerre». In Il socialismo e la guerra (1915), Lenin ebbe il merito di mostrare la “falsificazione storica” operata dalla borghesia, ogni qual volta provava ad attribuire un significato “progressivo e di liberazione nazionale” a quelle che, in realtà, erano guerre “di rapina”, condotte con il solo obiettivo di decidere a quale delle parti belligeranti sarebbe toccato opprimere maggiormente popolazioni straniere. Per Lenin, i rivoluzionari dovevano “trasformare la guerra imperialista in guerra civile”, poiché quanti volevano una pace veramente “democratica e duratura” dovevano eliminare la borghesia e i governi colonialisti. Lenin era convinto di ciò che la storia ha mostrato essere inesatto, ovvero che ogni lotta di classe condotta conseguentemente in tempo di guerra crea «inevitabilmente» stati d’animo rivoluzionari nelle masse.
Come comportarsi dinanzi alla guerra accese anche il dibattito del movimento femminista. La necessità di sostituire gli uomini inviati al fronte, in impieghi precedentemente da loro monopolizzati, favorì il diffondersi di un’ideologia sciovinista anche nel movimento suffragista. Contrastare quanti agitavano lo spauracchio dell’aggressore, per derubricare fondamentali riforme sociali, fu una delle conquiste più significative delle femministe più radicali del tempo. Esse indicarono come la battaglia contro il militarismo fosse un elemento essenziale della lotta contro il patriarcato.

La profonda frattura politica consumatasi tra rivoluzionari e riformisti dopo la nascita dell’URSS e il dogmatico clima ideologico degli anni Venti e Trenta inficiarono la possibilità di un’alleanza contro il militarismo tra l’Internazionale Comunista e i partiti socialisti europei. In molti ritenevano un “nuovo 1914” pressoché inevitabile. E così fu. Il crescendo di violenze perpetrate dal fronte nazi-fascista e lo scoppio della Seconda Guerra Mondiale generarono uno scenario ancora più nefasto di quello d’inizio secolo. L’URSS fu impegnata in quella Grande Guerra Patriottica che fu decisiva al fine della sconfitta del nazismo e divenne un elemento così centrale dell’unità nazionale russa da perdurare fino ai nostri giorni.
A partire dal 1961, sotto la presidenza di Chruščëv, l’URSS inaugurò un nuovo ciclo politico che prese il nome di Coesistenza pacifica. Ciò nonostante, nel 1968, i sovietici invasero con mezzo milione di soldati la Cecoslovacchia che chiedeva maggiore democrazia. Brežnev chiamò questo principio: “sovranità limitata”. Di fronte alla “Primavera di Praga”, egli affermò che “quando le forze che sono ostili al socialismo cercano di portare i paesi socialisti verso il capitalismo, questo diventa un problema comune”. Secondo questa logica antidemocratica, la scelta di stabilire cosa fosse o non fosse “socialismo” era puro arbitrio dei dirigenti sovietici. L’URSS continuò a destinare una parte significativa delle sue risorse economiche alle spese militari e ciò contribuì all’affermazione di una cultura di guerra e autoritaria nella società. Un ulteriore esempio evidente di questa politica fu l’invasione sovietica dell’Afghanistan nel 1979. Così facendo, Mosca si alienò, definitivamente, le simpatie del movimento per la pace. L’insieme di questi interventi militari non solo sfavorì il processo di riduzione generale degli armamenti, ma concorse a screditare e a indebolire globalmente il socialismo. L’URSS venne percepita, sempre più, come una potenza imperiale che agiva in forme non dissimili da quelle degli USA.

Le guerre diffondono un’ideologia di violenza che si unisce spesso ai sentimenti nazionalistici che hanno più volte lacerato il movimento operaio. Di rado, esse rafforzano pratiche di democrazia diretta, mentre accrescono il potere di istituzioni autoritarie. È una lezione che la sinistra non dovrebbe mai dimenticare.

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TV

War and the Left: Considerations on a Chequered History (Talk)

Categories
Journalism

Vasemmistolla On Pitkä Sodanvastainen Historia

Politiikan tutkimus on selvittänyt niitä ideologisia, poliittisia, taloudellisia ja jopa psykologisia yllykkeitä, jotka ajavat yhteiskuntia kohti sotaa. Yksi sosialistisen teorian merkittävimmistä saavutuksista on puolestaan sotien kytkeminen kapitalismin kehitykseen.

Ensimmäisen internationaalin (1864-1876) johtajat korostivat, etteivät nykyaikaiset sodat enää johdu kuninkaiden kunnianhimosta, vaan vallitsevasta sosioekonomisesta yhteiskuntamallista. Työväenliike opetti, että kaikki sodat ovat ”sisällissotia”, hirvittäviä työläisten välisiä yhteenottoja, jotka tuhosivat heidän elämänsä edellytykset.

Karl Marx (1818–1883) esitti Pääomassa, että ”väkivalta [Gewalt] on jokaisen uutta kohdussaan kantavan vanhan yhteiskunnan kätilö”. Hän ei kuitenkaan pitänyt sotaa yhteiskunnan vallankumouksellisen muuttamisen edellytyksenä. Hänen poliittisen toimintansa päätavoitteena oli sitouttaa työläiset kansainvälisen solidaarisuuden periaatteeseen.

Friedrich Engels (1820–1895) piti sotaa niin tärkeänä kysymyksenä, että hän omisti sille yhden viimeisimmistä kirjoituksistaan Kann Europa abrüsten? [”Onko aseriisunta mahdollista Euroopassa?][1] Engels lähti liikkeelle siitä huomiosta, että viimeistä neljännesvuosisataa oli leimannut mantereen suurvaltojen välinen varustelukilpailu. Tämä oli johtanut aseteollisuudessa ennätyksellisiin tuotantomääriin ja tuonut maanosan lähemmäksi ”ennenäkemätöntä tuhoamissotaa”. Koska pienituloisimmat maksoivat suurimman osan sodan kustannuksista, toisaalta veroina ja toisaalta sotilaina, tulisi työväenliikkeen taistella ””asepalvelusaikaa asteittain rajoittavan kansainvälisen sopimuksen puolesta”. Sen olisi puolustettava aseistariisuntaa ainoana ”tehokkaana rauhan takaajana”.

Kokeiluja ja romahdus

Rauhan aikana sodasta oli keskusteltu lähinnä teoreettisesti, mutta pian siitä tuli aikakauden polttavin poliittinen kysymys. Tositilanteeseen jouduttuaan työväenliikkeen edustajat kieltäytyivät aluksi tukemasta sotaponnistuksia missään muodossa. Wilhelm Liebknecht (1826–1900) ja August Bebel (1840–1913) tuomitsivat Bismarckin valloituspyrkimykset Ranskan ja Preussin välisessä konfliktissa vuonna 1870 (juuri ennen Pariisin kommuunia). He äänestivät sotalainoja vastaan.

Keskustelu sodasta sai toisessa internationaalissa (1889–1916) entistä enemmän painoarvoa, kun eurooppalaiset suurvallat jatkoivat imperialistista laajentumistaan. Toisen internationaalin perustavan kokouksen päätöslauselma oli asettanut rauhan ”työläisten vapautumisen ehdottomaksi edellytykseksi”.

Myöhemmin sodanvastaisen toiminnan painoarvo toisessa internationaalissa kuitenkin väheni. Suurin osa Euroopan sosiaalidemokraattisista puolueista päätyi tukemaan ensimmäistä maailmansotaa. Tämän kehityksen seuraukset olivat tuhoisat. Ajatus, ettei kapitalistien pitäisi yksin saada nauttia ”yhteiskunnallisen kehityksen tarjoamista hedelmistä” johti siihen, että työväenliike päätyi jakamaan hallitsevien luokkien laajentumispyrkimykset. Näin se hukkui nationalistisen ideologian alle. Toinen internationaali osoittautui täysin toimintakyvyttömäksi sodan edessä. Se epäonnistui puolustamaan yhtä sen päätavoitteista, rauhan säilyttämistä.

Tarmokkaimmin sotaa vastustivat Rosa Luxemburg (1871–1919) ja Vladimir Lenin (1870–1924). Luxemburg vaati, että ”sodan sotaa vastaan” tulisi olla työväestön politiikan kulmakivenä. Kirjassaan Sosialidemokratian kriisi (suom. 1973) hän väitti, että toisen internationaalin luhistumisen syy oli siinä, ettei se ollut saanut aikaiseksi ”kaikkien maiden työläisiä yhdistävää toimintaohjelmaa”.

Leninin mielestä vallankumouksellisten olisi tullut pyrkiä ”kääntämään imperialistinen sota sisällissodaksi”.

Rajanvetoa

Ensimmäinen maailmansota ei jakanut ainoastaan toista internationaalia vaan myös anarkistista liikettä. Pjotr Kropotkin (1842–1921) piti kiinni siitä, että oli ”vastustettava hyökkääjää, joka tuhoaa kaikki toiveemme vapautuksesta”. Kolmoisententen voitto Saksasta olisi pienempi paha, joka rapauttaisi saavutettuja vapauksia vähemmän kuin Saksan menestys. Enrico Malatesta (1853–1932) sen sijaan piti useampaa kuin yhtä hallitusta syypäänä sotaan. Hän julisti, ettei ”ole mahdollista tehdä eroa hyökkäys- ja puolustussotien välillä”.

Sota synnytti keskustelua myös feministisessä liikkeessä. Se tosiasia, että naisia tarvittiin sotaan lähteneiden miesten korvaajiksi useilla perinteisillä miesvaltaisilla aloilla, vahvisti sovinistista ideologiaa vasta muodostuneessa suffragettiliikkeessä. Yksi Rosa Luxemburgin ja muiden eturivin naispuolisten kommunistijohtajien tärkeimmistä saavutuksista oli hallitusten kaksinaamaisuuden paljastaminen. Kutsumalla vihollisen porteilleen ne torppasivat kaikki perustavanlaatuiset yhteiskunnalliset uudistukset. Luxemburg ja kumppanit osoittivat tuleville sukupolville, kuinka taistelu militarismia vastaan oli erottamaton osa patriarkaatin vastaista taistelua. Myöhemmin sodanvastaisuus sai keskeisen roolin Kansainvälisen naistenpäivän juhlinnassa.

Neuvostoliitto ja sota

Sitten toisen maailmansodan syttymisen ”suuri isänmaallinen sota” on ollut iso Venäjän kansallista yhtenäisyyttä pönkittävä tekijä. Kun maailma oli sodan jälkeen jakautunut kahteen blokkiin, linjasi Josif Stalin (1878–1953), että kansainvälisen kommunistisen liikkeen päätehtävä oli Neuvostoliiton turvaaminen. Tämä politiikka perustui keskeisesti kahdeksan maan muodostamaan puskuriin Itä-Euroopassa.

Vuodesta 1961 lähtien Neuvostoliitto ajoi Nikita Hruštšovin (1894–1971) johdolla uutta, ”rauhanomaisen rinnakkaiselon” politiikkaa. Tämä rakentavan yhteistyön politiikka koski vain Yhdysvaltoja, mutta ei ”reaalisosialistisia” valtioita. Jo vuonna 1956 Neuvostoliitto oli brutaalisti kukistanut Unkarin vallankumouksen. Samat tapahtumat toistuivat Tšekkoslovakiassa vuonna 1968.

Vastauksena Prahan kevään demokratiavaatimuksille Neuvostoliiton kommunistinen puolue päätti yksimielisesti lähettää paikalle puoli miljoonaa sotilasta ja tuhansia tankkeja. Leonid Brežnev (1906–1982) selitti Neuvostoliiton toimia Varsovan liiton maiden rajoitetulla suvereniteetilla. ”Kun sosialismille vihamieliset voimat yrittävät reivata jonkin sosialistimaan kehitystä kapitalismin suuntaan, on kyseessä kaikkein sosialistimaiden yhteinen ongelma”. Tässä demokratiavihamielisessä logiikassa sosialismin määritelmä sidottiin neuvostojohtajien mielivaltaan.

Puna-armeijasta tuli Moskovan ulkopolitiikan tärkein väline sen hyökättyä Afganistaniin vuonna 1979. Moskova piti oikeutenaan puuttua ”turva-alueensa” asioihin. Nämä sotilaalliset interventiot eivät ainoastaan sotineet aseistariisunnan tavoitteita vastaan, vaan asettivat sosialismin globaalisti huonoon valoon, ja heikensivät sitä. Neuvostoliittoa ryhdyttiin pitämään imperialistisena valtiona, joka käytti samankaltaisia keinoja kuin Yhdysvallat, joka oli kylmän sodan syttymisen jälkeen sekaantunut enemmän tai vähemmän peitellysti demokraattisesti valittujen hallitusten kaatamiseen yli kahdessakymmenessä maassa.

Ei sodalle

Kylmän sodan päättyminen ei vähentänyt puuttumista toisten maiden asioihin. Se ei myöskään lisännyt kansojen vapautta valita maansa hallintotapaa. Venäjän sota Ukrainassa on jälleen haastanut vasemmiston: kuinka vastata tilanteeseen, jossa jonkin maan suvereniteettia vastaan hyökätään. Venezuelan hallitus on tehnyt poliittisen virheen, kun se on epäonnistunut tuomitsemaan Venäjän hyökkäyksen Ukrainaan. Sen on tulevaisuudessa vaikea uskottavasti tuomita Yhdysvaltojen mahdollisia sotilaallisia aggressioita.

Vasemmisto on historiassaan aina kannattanut kansojen itsemääräämisoikeutta.

Toisaalta liian monet vasemmistolaiset eivät ole voineet vastustaa kiusausta osallistua sodankäyntiin – suoraan tai epäsuorasti – hurraamalla uudelle union sacreelle. [vasemmiston lupaus olla vastustamatta sotaa, P.R.] Historia osoittaa, että kun edistykselliset voimat eivät vastusta sotaa, ne menettävät oleellisen osan olemassaolon oikeutuksestaan ja päätyvät nielemään suuren osan vastustajiensa ideologiasta.

Voi vastustaa sekä venäläistä että ukrainalaista nationalismia ja Naton laajentumista sortumatta poliittiseen päättämättömyyteen tai teoreettiseen monimielisyyteen. Liittoutumattomuuspolitiikan kannattajien ehdotukset olisivat nopein tapa päättää sota niin pian kuin mahdollista ja minimoida sodan uhrien lukumäärä. Diplomatia on välttämätöntä ja sen tulee perustua kahteen periaatteeseen: de-eskalaatioon ja itsenäisen Ukrainan neutraalisuuteen.

Vasemmistolle sota ei voi olla ”politiikan jatkamista” toisin keinoin, kuten Clausewitzin kuuluisa ajatus kuuluu. Todellisuudessa sota osoittaa politiikan epäonnistumisen. Jos vasemmisto haluaa päästä taas hegemoniseen asemaan ja jos se haluaa soveltaa historiansa opetuksia tämän päivän ongelmiin, sen tulee kirjoittaa lippuunsa päättäväisesti sanat: ”antimilitarismi” ja ”ei sodalle”.

[1] Tekstin on hiljattain suomentanut Jorma Mäntylä.

Alkuperäinen teksti ”The Left Has a Long, Proud Tradition of Opposing War” on julkaistu 25 kielellä, muun muassa Jacobin Magazinessa.

Marcello Musto on sosiologian professori Yorkin yliopistossa. Hänen teoksiinsa kuuluvat: Another Marx: Early Manuscripts to the International ja The Last Years of Karl Marx: An Intellectual Biography, jonka lisäksi hän on toimittanut kokoelman The Marx Revival: Key Concepts and New Interpretations.

Suomeksi hänen kirjoituksiaan on aiemmin julkaistu niin & näin -lehdessä:

https://netn.fi/fi/artikkeli/mies-paikallaan-marx-internationaalin-aikana
https://netn.fi/fi/artikkeli/paaoman-kirjoittaminen-marxin-poliittisen-taloustieteen-kritiikin-synty-ja-rakenne
https://netn.fi/fi/artikkeli/marxin-mega-paluu
Muston kirjoituksia eri kielillä löytyy osoitteesta: www.marcellomusto.org

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Reviews

Carlos L. Garrido, Midwestern Marx

Marcello Musto’s anthology of Karl Marx’s Writings on Alienation[1] is both comprehensive and concise, containing within the span of 100 pages the three decades long development of the theory through more than a dozen published works and posthumously published manuscripts. Additionally, Musto’s introduction to the anthology exceptionally captures: 1) the deviations the concept suffered in its 20th century popularization (both by friends and foes of Marxism); and 2) the bifurcation in Marxism which was depicted in the 1960s debate around the Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844 (EPM), which created what Musto rightly depicts as “one of the principal misunderstandings in the history of Marxism: the myth of the ’Young Marx’” (20).[2]

The concept of alienation can be traced back to G.W.F. Hegel’s 1807 text, The Phenomenology of Spirit, where the terms entäusserung (self-externalization) and entfremdung (estrangement) are used to describe the moments wherein spirit’s “essential being is present to it in the form of an ‘other.’”[3] After Hegel’s death, the concept retained vitality through the Young Hegelians, who shifted its focus to the realm of religious alienation.[4] A leading text in this tradition is Ludwig Feuerbach’s The Essence of Christianity (1841), where alienation depicts the process through which the human species essence is projected onto God.[5] While shifting the focus from religion to political economy, it is from this tradition from which Marx and Engels would blossom in the early to mid-1840s.[6]

However, since the concept rarely saw the light of day in their published work, it was “entirely absent from the Marxism of the Second International,” and from general philosophical reflection in the second half of the 19th century (4). In this time, concepts that would later be associated with alienation were developed by Émile Durkheim, Georg Simmel, and Max Weber, but in each instance they “thought they were describing unstoppable tendencies, and their reflections were often guided by a wish to improve the existing social and political order – certainly not to replace it with a different one” (4).[7]
​Stemming primarily from Marx’s analysis of the fetishism of commodities in Capital Vol I, Georg Lükacs’ 1923 text, History and Class Consciousness, reintroduces the theory of alienation into Marxism through his concept of ‘reification’ (verdinglichung, versachlichung). For Lükacs, reification described the “phenomenon whereby labour activity confronts human beings as something objective and independent, dominating them through external autonomous laws” (4-5). However, as Musto notes, and as Lükacs rectifies in the preface to the 1967 French republication of his text, “History and Class Consciousness follows Hegel in that it too equates alienation with objectification” (5).

The equation of alienation and objectification is the central philosophical error which creates the grounds for the ontologizing of alienation. For Marx, objectification is simply “labor’s realization,” the process wherein labor gets “congealed in an object.”[8] When human labor produces an object, we have objectification. Only under certain historically determined conditions does objectification become alienating. As Marx writes in the EPM,

The alienation of the worker in his product means not only that his labor becomes an object [i.e., objectification] an external existence, but that it exists outside him, independently, as something alien to him, and that it becomes a power on its own confronting him; it means that the life which he has conferred on the object confronts him as something hostile and alien.[9]

​​This distinction between objectification and alienation is retouched more thoroughly in the Grundrisse, where Marx says that

Social wealth confronts labour in more powerful portions as an alien and dominant power. The emphasis comes to be placed not on the state of being objectified, but on the state of being alienated, dispossessed, sold; on the condition that the monstrous objective power which social labour itself erected opposite itself as one of its moments belongs not to the worker, but to the personified conditions of production, i.e. to capital.[10]

The bourgeois economists are so much cooped up within the notions belonging to a specific historic stage of social development that the necessity of the objectification of the powers of social labour appears to them as inseparable from the necessity of their alienation vis-à-vis living labour… [But] the conditions which allow them to exist in this way in the reproduction of their life, in their productive life’s process, have been posited only by the historic economic process itself… [These] are fundamental conditions of the bourgeois mode of production, in no way accidents irrelevant to it. [11]

As I have argued in relation to the fetishism of commodities, alienation is also not simply a subjective illusion which one can overcome through becoming conscious of it. It isn’t merely a problem of how one observes the world. Instead, in a mode of life wherein the relations of production are necessarily governed by this condition of estrangement, alienation sustains an objective, albeit historically bound, existence. The ontologizing and/or subjectivizing of the theory of alienation purport key philosophical and political deviations from how Marx conceived of the phenomenon. These deviations naturalize the phenomenon and blunt the revolutionary edge in the Marxist analysis of how it can be overcome.

Musto wonderfully shows how the 20th centuries’ popularization of the term resulted in Marxist (Marcuse, Adorno, Horkheimer, Fromm, Sartre, Debord, etc.) and Non-Marxist (Baudrillard, Arendt, Melman, Nettler, Seeman, Blauner, etc.) deviations along the lines of an ontologizing or subjectivizing of the phenomenon of alienation. In some instances (e.g., US sociologists), even the critical spirit with which the theory of alienation was formulated was removed and “skillfully dressed up… by defenders of the very social classes against which it had for so long been directed” (28). In the case of the ‘Marxist’ deviations of the theory, these often ended up in a pessimism and utopianism foreign and at times antagonistic to the writings of Marx and Engels. As Adam Schaff argued in Marxism and the Human Individual, these classical forms of revisionism “lead in fact to an elimination of everything known as scientific socialism.”[12]
From this historical and objective understanding of alienation, Marx formulates in the EPM four ways in which alienation occurs in the capitalist form of life: 1) alienation of the product, wherein the object of labor confronts the laborer as something hostile and alien; 2) alienation in the process of production, i.e., in the social relations through which the work takes place; 3) alienation from the ‘species-being’ of man as an animal with the unique ability to consciously, creatively, and socially exert mental and physical labor (as a homo faber and sapien) upon nature to create objects of need and aesthetic enjoyment; and 4) alienation from other humans and their objects of labor. Apart from the Feuerbachian essentialism in the language of number 3 (e.g., species-being, species-essence), the pith of this 1844 formulation of the theory will be enriched in his later work, especially in the Grundrisse, where it is given its most systematic consideration.

Along with what Kaan Kangal has called the ‘Engels debate,’ the 1960s debate around the EPM depicted the great bifurcation that existed in Marxism.[13] On the one hand, the Western humanist tradition “stress[ed] the theoretical pre-eminence” of Marx’s early work. On the other, the Eastern socialist (and Althusserian) tradition downplayed it as the writing of a pre-Marxist Marx, still entrapped by Hegelian idealism or a Feuerbachian problematic (18).[14] Both of these traditions create an “arbitrary and artificial opposition” between an “early Marx” and a “mature Marx” (15). Those who held on to the early writings as containing the ‘key’ to Marxism were, as Musto rightly argues, “so obviously wrong that it demonstrated no more than ignorance of his work” (16). However, those who dismissed these early writings often landed in a “decidedly anti-humanist conception” (e.g., Althusser’s theoretical anti-humanism) (ibid). These two sides mirror one another on the basis of an artificial and arbitrary division of a ‘young’ and ‘mature’ Marx.

Musto rejects this dichotomy, and in line with the Polish Marxist Adam Schaff (along with Iring Fetscher, István Mészáros, and others), provides a third interpretation which identifies a “substantive continuity in Marx’s work” (20). This continuity, however, is not based on a “collection of quotations” pulled indiscriminately from works three decades apart, “as if Marx’s work were a single timeless and undifferentiated text” (ibid). This tendency, which dominated the discourse around the continuum interpretation, is grounded on a metaphysical (in the traditional Marxist sense) and fixated understanding of Marx’s life’s work. It finds itself unable to tarry with a difference mediated understanding of identity, that is, with the understanding that the unity of Marx’s corpus is based on its continuous development, not an artificially foisted textual uniformity. It would be a Quixotic delusion to read the youthful Manuscripts of 44 as identical to the works which were produced as fruits of Marx’s laborious studies of political economy in the 1850-60s. The comprehensive, concrete, and scientific character of Marx’s understanding of political economy and the capitalist mode of life achieved by the 1860s makes the indiscriminate treatment of these works seem all the more foolish.

Instead, the continuity interpretation sees what a careful reading of Musto’s anthology shows, namely, that the theory of alienation constantly develops, sharpens, and concretizes beyond the limitations inherent in the ”vagueness and eclecticism” of its initial stages (21). As Schaff and Musto argued, “if Marx had stopped writing in 1845-46, he would not – in spite of those who hold the young Marx to be the only ‘true’ one – have found a place in history,” and if he did, it would probably be in a demoted “place alongside Bruno Bauer and Feuerbach in the sections of philosophy manuals devoted to the Hegelian Left” (ibid).[15]

It is impossible to stamp out hard and fast ‘stages’ or ‘epistemological breaks’ in Marx’s thought; he was constantly evolving his thinking according to new research and new concrete experiences.[16] Such a stagist approach can only lead to a confused nominalist reading of Marx, for every time he read or wrote something new, a ‘new’ Marx would have to be postulated. Marx’s life work must be understood as a dynamic, evolving unity, wherein, as Schaff argued, “the first period is genetically linked to the later ones.”[17] The same could be said, in my view, of his theory of alienation. As his understanding of political economy and the capitalist mode of life concretizes, his understanding of the phenomenon of alienation does as well.
Concerning the global split in Marxism manifested through these debates on alienation, I would like to add that although some prominent ‘orthodox’ or ‘official’ Soviet thinkers dismissed the theory of alienation, we cannot synecdochally apply the flaws of these on all Marxist thinkers in the Soviet Union, or on Marxism-Leninism in general. For instance, in the Soviet tradition of creative Marxism, the theme of alienation is not so easily dismissed as in Althusser or the more orthodox Soviet Marxists. Evald Ilyenkov, one of the prominent thinkers in this tradition, says in 1966 that he “personally approves” of the EPM’s theory of alienation and sees it as “a healthy and fruitful tendency in Marxist theoretical thought.”[18] In addition, his reading of the EPM and the theory of alienation with respect to the rest of Marx’s life’s work falls in line with Musto’s and Schaff’s continuum interpretation. As Ilyenkov argues,

If anything has been lost in this process, it is only that some parts of the specifically philosophical phraseology of the Manuscripts have been replaced by a more concrete phraseology, and in this sense, a more exact and stronger one. What occurs here is not a loss of concepts but only the loss of a few terms connected with these concepts. For me this is so unquestionable that all the problems of the early works are actually rendered more fully later, and moreover, in a more definitive form. It is quite obvious that the process of the “human alienation” under the conditions of an unhindered development of “private property” (in the course of its becoming private-capitalistic) is viewed here more concretely and in more detail.[19]
Concerning the relation of EPM to Capital Vol I Ilyenkov adds that

The Manuscripts can be a help in the text of Das Kapital itself in scrutinizing those passages that could otherwise be overlooked. If such passages are overlooked, Das Kapital easily appears as an “economic work” only, and in a very narrow meaning of the term. Das Kapital is then seen as a dryly objective economic scheme free from any trace of “humanism” – but this is not Das Kapital, it is only a coarsely shallow interpretation.[20]

​This tendency, however, is not limited to the tradition of Soviet creative Marxism. Even in famous manuals such as the Konstantinov edited Fundamentals of Marxist-Leninist Philosophy, the theory of alienation is treated with great care, and critiques akin to Musto’s and Schaff’s are provided for the 20th century revisionist formulations of the theory.

It is also important to note that Schaff himself was largely aligned politically with Marxism-Leninism, and when criticizing the Soviet dismissals of the theory of alienation he emphasizes his political proximity to those Marxist-Leninists he is arguing against.[21] Additionally, he openly criticizes those in the West which have weaponized the theory of alienation to attack socialism, and which have reduced Marxism, through their interpretation of alienation, to moralistic discourse devoid of its scientific core.[22] There is nothing, in my view, incompatible about a non-dogmatic Marxism-Leninism and the militant humanism of the early Marx’s theory of alienation, or of this theories’ further concretization throughout his life.
​To return to the continuity thesis, Musto’s selection of Marx’s writings eloquently demonstrates the theoretical superiority of this third interpretation. Musto classifies the writings into three key generations: 1) from 1844 to 1856; 2) from 1857 to 1863; and 3) from 1863 to 1875. What becomes clear in these selections, especially in the transition from the first to the second generation, is the immense development in the categories of political economy which would ground Marx’s discourse of the phenomenon of alienation (which, as occurs throughout his work, sometimes takes place without using the term ‘alienation’ itself). By the time the Grundrisse is written (1857-58), it is as if the 1844 EPM’s theory of alienation returned with theoretical steroids, “enriched by a greater understanding of economic categories and by a more rigorous social analysis” (30). In this second generation, the two manuscripts Marx writes after he publishes A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy (1859), namely, On the Critique of Political Economy (1861-63) and Theories of Surplus Value (1862-63), will also elaborate and sharpen the understanding of the categories developed in the Grundrisse, subsequently enrichening the theory of alienation as well.

The third generation consists of Capital Vol I, its preparatory manuscripts, and the manuscripts of Capital Vol III which Engels would edit and publish after Marx’s death. Of specific importance here is the famous “Results on the Immediate Process of Production,” also known as the “Unpublished Chapter VI.” This 1863-4 manuscript was omitted from Capital Vol I for largely unknown reasons. Ernest Mandel, who wrote the introduction to the 1976 English publication of Volume one, which included this manuscript as an appendix, said that

​For the time being, it is impossible to give a definitive answer to that question… Possibly the reason lay in Marx’s wish to present Capital as a ‘ dialectically articulated artistic whole’. He may have felt that, in such a totality,’ ‘Chapter Six’ would be out of place, since it had a double didactic function: as a summary of Volume 1 and as a bridge between Volumes 1 and 2.[23]

​Nonetheless, as Musto notes, this manuscript enhances the theory of alienation by “linking [Marx’s] economic and political analysis more closely to each other” (126). Beyond this manuscript, the theory of alienation takes on a new shape in the formulation of the fetishism of commodities in section four of Capital Vol I’s first chapter. The fetishism of commodities is a new term, but not a new concept, it describes a phenomenon which the theory of alienation already explained. For instance, as stated in Capital, the fetishism of commodities describes the conditions wherein “definite social relations between men” assume “ the fantastic form of a relation between things.”[24] This same wording is used in one of the Grundrisse’s formulation of alienation:

The general exchange of activities and products, which has become a vital condition for each individual – their mutual interconnection – here appears as something alien to them, autonomous, as a thing. In exchange value, the social connection between persons is transformed into a social relation between things.[25]

​Besides section four of chapter one, Capital Vol I is scattered with commentary on the inversion of dead and living labor (especially in chapter 11 and 15), a theme which is central to the theory of alienation. These themes are also present in various passages from Capital Vol. III (1864-75), which is the last text Musto pulls from for the third generation of writings on alienation.

Lastly, the theory of alienation has always been inextricably linked with how Marx conceived of communism. As the theory concretizes, the idea of communism does as well. Under a communist mode of life, the conditions which perpetuated an alienated form of objectification would be overcome. Here, the “social character of production is presupposed” and makes the product of labor “not an exchange value,” but “a specific share of the communal production.”[26] The mediational character of commodity production and the exchange value dominated mode of life would be destroyed. Production and the mode of life in general will be aimed at creating the conditions for qualitative human flourishing. As Marx writes in Capital Vol. III,

The realm of freedom really begins only where labour determined by necessity and external expediency ends; it lies by its very nature beyond the sphere of material production proper. Just as the savage must wrestle with nature to satisfy his needs, to maintain and reproduce his life, so must civilized man, and he must do so in all forms of society and under all possible modes of production. This realm of natural necessity expands with his development, because his needs do too; but the productive forces to satisfy these expand at the same time. Freedom, in this sphere, can consist only in this, that socialized man, the associated producers, govern the human metabolism with nature in a rational way, bringing it under their collective control instead of being dominated by it as a blind power; accomplishing it with the least expenditure of energy and in conditions most worthy and appropriate for their human nature. But this always remains a realm of necessity. The true realm of freedom, the development of human powers as an end in itself, begins beyond it, though it can only flourish with this realm of necessity as its basis. The reduction of the working day is the basic prerequisite.[27]

If I may add something to Marcello’s superb analysis in the introduction, it would be the ecological dimension the theory of alienation acquires in Marx’s analysis of the metabolism between human society and nature, and subsequently, of the alienating ‘rifts’ capitalist production creates in this metabolic relation. The quote referenced above shows how a rational governance of the human metabolism with nature is central to Marx’s idea of communism.

As John Bellamy Foster has argued, “the concept of metabolism provided Marx with a concrete way of expressing the notion of alienation of nature (and its relation to the alienation of labor) that was central to his critique from his earliest writings on,” and in so doing, it “allowed him to give a more solid and scientific expression of this fundamental relation.”[28] Hence, if the alienation of labor is tied to the alienation of nature, a non-alienated communist mode of life must necessarily seek to overcome this alienation of nature through the aforementioned rational governance of human society’s metabolism with nature.

Although grounded scientifically on Justus von Liebig’s work on the depletion of the soil, this ecological dimension can be traced philosophically to the EPM and the central role nature has in the alienation of labor. Faced with the existential crisis of climate change, this ecological dimension in Marx’s theory of alienation and critique of capitalist production acquires a heightened sense of immediacy.

Additionally, if we consider Marx’s concept of the metabolic rift within the theory of alienation, then its rediscovery did not have to wait until Lükacs’ 1923 History and Class Consciousness, for a part of it could be seen in the ecological dimension of August Bebel’s 1884 text Women Under Socialism, in Karl Kautsky’s 1899 text on The Agrarian Question, in Lenin’s 1901 The Agrarian Question and the “Critics of Marx,” and more directly in the work of Bukharin, Vernadsky, and others in the 1920/30s tradition of Soviet ecology.[29]

In sum, Musto’s anthology is an essential requirement for all interested in Marx’s theory of alienation, and his introduction to the selection displays that great erudition of Marxist history and theory which those that are familiar with his work hold in the highest esteem.

Notes and References

[1] The parenthetical numbers which appear throughout this review refer to pages from Musto’s book.

[2] For a more detailed assessment of this ‘myth’ see: Marcello Musto, “The Myth of the ‘Young Marx’ in the Interpretation of the Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844,” Critique 43, no 2 (2015)., pp. 233-60.

[3] G.W.F. Hegel, The Phenomenology of Spirit, Oxford University Press, 1977., pp. 114.

[4] For more on the Young Hegelians see: Lawrence S. Stepenlevich, The Young Hegelians: An Anthology, Humanity Books, 1999.

[5] My video for Midwestern Marx, “Alienation – Feuerbach to Marx,” describes the concept’s transition from Feuerbach to Marx’s Manuscripts of 44.

[6] The Feuerbachian influence which the younger Engels was under is usually understated. I would direct the reader to Engels’ 1843 review of Thomas Carlyle’s Past and Present (written before The Conditions of the Working Class in England), where this influence is as, or if not more, evident then than in the writings of the younger Marx.

[7] I would add to the list Max Scheler’s 1913 book Ressentiment and Edmund Husserl’s 1936 book, The Crisis of European Sciences and Transcendental Phenomenology, which expands on the arguments of his 1935 lectures on “Philosophy and the Crisis of European Man.”

[8] Karl Marx, Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts of 1844, Great Books in Philosophy, 1988., pp. 71.

[9] Ibid., 72.

[10] The Grundrisse is an unfinished manuscript not intended for publication, in passages like these, where editing could’ve improved what was said, its manuscript character shines forth.

[11] Karl Marx, Grundrisse, Penguin Books, 1973., pp. 831-2.

[12] Adam Schaff, Marxism and the Human Individual, McGraw-Hill, 1970., pp. 16. I was excited to see Musto’s frequent usage of Schaff, a thinker far too undervalued in our tradition.

[13] I use ‘depicted’ instead of ‘produced’ because the split originated well before the 1960s debate, the debate simply manifested what was already a previous split. For more on this split see Domenico Losurdo, El Marxismo Occidental, Editorial Trotta, 2019.

[14] ‘Feuerbachian problematic’ is how Althusser describes it in his essay “On the Young Marx.” For more see Louis Althusser, For Marx, Verso, 1979., pp. 66-70.

[15] Schaff, Marxism and the Human Individual., pp. 28.

[16] To see how this was done in his later years see: Marcello Musto, The Last Years of Karl Marx, Stanford, 2020. For a shortened version of some of the points made in this text, my review article might be helpful.

[17] Ibid., pp. 24.

[18] Evald Ilyenkov, “From the Marxist-Leninist Point of View,” In Marx and the Western World, ed. Nicholas Lobkowicz, University of Notre Dame Press, 1967., pp. 401.

[19] Ibid., pp. 402.

[20] Ibid., pp. 404.

[21] Schaff, Marxism and the Human Individual., pp. 21.

[22] Ibid., pp. 15-16.

[23] Marx, Capital Vol 1, Penguin Books, 1982., pp. 944.

[24] Ibid., pp. 165.

[25] Marx, Grundrisse., pp. 157.

[26] Marx, Grundrisse., pp. 172.

[27] Karl Marx, Capital Vol III, Penguin Books, 1981., pp. 958-9.

[28] John Bellamy Foster, Marx’s Ecology, Monthly Review, 2000., pp. 158.

[29] For all the flaws Bukharin’s Historical Materialism textbook has, chapter five on “The Equilibrium between Society and Nature” provides a laudable reintroduction of Marx’s concept of metabolism and metabolic rifts.

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The Left & War: A History – with Mitch Jeserich (Interview)

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Meeting with professor Marcello Musto – hosted by Vietnam Marxist (Interview)

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Past talks

War and the Left: Considerations on a Chequered History

While political science has probed the ideological, political, economic and even psychological motivations behind the drive to war, socialist theory has made a unique contribution by highlighting the relationship between the development of capitalism and war. There’s a long and rich tradition of the Left’s opposition to militarism that dates back to the International Working Men’s Association. It is an excellent resource for understanding the origins of war under capitalism and helping leftists maintain our clear opposition to it. In this article, the author examines the position of all the main currents (socialist, socialdemocratic, communist, anarchist and feminist) intellectuals (Engels, Kropotkin, Malatesta, Jaurès, Luxemburg, Lenin, Mao and Khrushchev) of the Left on the war and its different declinations (‘war of defence’, ‘just war’, ‘revolutionary war’).